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[Editorial from the American Federationist, February, 1908, by Samuel

Gompers.]

SPEAKER CANNON-" LEST WE FORGET."

So "Uncle JOE" CANNON had his man Friday take up the cudgels in attempting a reply to our editorial criticism of his conduct contained in the January issue of the American Federationist. Perhaps Hon. JOSEPH G. CANNON imagines that we are unaware of the "frame-up by his satellites by which the plate printers' committee's credulity was imposed upon and the "resolutions of thanks" tendered him.

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Under the rules of the House, engineered by Speaker CANNON and his few Congressional beneficiaries, no measure can be brought before the consideration of the House that he does not, in advance, sanction and approve. And thus any measures of real relief for the wage-workers of our country or for that of the common people have been stifled in committees.

The Committees on Labor in the Fifty-eighth, Fifty-ninth, and now in the Sixtieth Congress have been appointed with the one specific purpose of preventing any bona fide measure of genuine relief from being reported to the House for consideration. The Judiciary Committee of the last three Congresses have been appointed with the same intent and purpose.

46

What about Mr. Speaker CANNON'S punishment of Congressman PEARRE by refusing to reappoint that gentleman upon the House Judiciary Committee, a committee in which he rendered conspicuous and able service in the last two Congresses? The punishment was meted out by Uncle JOE" because Mr. PEARRE had convictions of his own as to what constituted his duty to his fellow-citizens, and particularly to his constituents. He had the temerity to introduce and stand for labor's bill limiting the abuse of the injunction process and thus defend and safeguard individual liberty and equality before the law.

For a "genial' old gentleman "Uncle JOE" CANNON is the most vindictive man of power who ever undertook to politically kill a Congressman who has convictions and conceptions of his own in regard to right and justice which a politician of the CANNON stripe can not be expected to understand or tolerate.

LABOR'S POLITICAL CAMPAIGN-WORKERS AND FRIENDS AROUSED TO THE NECESSITY OF UNITED AND DETERMINED ACTION-TABULATION OF CONGRESSIONAL VOTE OF 1906 sпOWS WHAT REMARKABLE RESULTS WERE ACCOMPLISHED IN THAT FIRST AND ALMOST UNPREPARED EFFORTSPLENDID PROSPECT OF LABOR'S SUCCESS IN 1908.

[By Samuel Gompers.]

The question of the most effective use of the political and industrial power of the workers during the coming Congressional campaign was the most important subject considered by the protest conference of the workers and their sympathizers held in Washington on March 18-19 to consider the situation in which they found themselves as a result of recent Supreme Court decisions and the apathy of Congress toward their interests.

One of the most important contributions to the deliberations of the conference was the presentation of the tabulated statistics of the vote cast for Congressional candidates in 1904 and 1906. These figures acquired additional importance from the fact that in 1906 labor, for the first time, made a strong effort to elect its friends to Congress and defeat its enemies.

That the dominant majority in Congress was cut from 112 to 56 by labor's efforts in the campaign of 1906 is a fact which has been sedulously ignored by the partisan press of the country, yet this, a most remarkable and encouraging result, grew out of a campaign entered upon very late by the workers, without adequate means to carry on the work in Congressional districts scattered throughout the country. The statistics of the Congressional vote cast in 1904 and 1906, with the comparison of relative pluralities, were carefully compiled by Mr. Thomas F. Tracy and Mr. Arthur E. Holder, the legislative committee of the American Federation of Labor. They were presented to the protest conference and are herewith published for information of all.

The results of the Congressional elections as shown in the tables are worthy of the careful study of the members and friends of labor. The figures are absolutely authentic and were obtained from the secretaries of state in the various States. The increases or decreases in pluralities demonstrate beyond doubt the practicability and influence of the American Federation of Labor plan of campaign, and should be an incentive to all ardent, active unionists and their friends to give renewed activity to this movement this year when so much is at stake. In a perusal of the tables it will be noticed that a number of States are omitted, the most noticeable being the Southern States. The explanation is that it is almost invariably the rule in that section of the country to make nominations in the primaries, rather than by nominating conventions. The result of the primary vote is equivalent to an election, and it is impossible to get any information from the results of these primaries, as they are not made a matter of State record; therefore the results of Congressional elections in those States can not be ascertained in a form suitable for tabulation.

In presenting these tables, showing the enormous reductions in pluralities of some of the candidates who were not friendly to labor's interests, and the defeat of others, either for renomination or election, there is no desire to antagonize, but it is only fair to record this history for the encouragement of our members and friends in the future. The efforts of the workers in 1906 to elect their friends and defeat their enemies yielded results that are rich in suggestion as to what may be accomplished in the future by a still more united effort.

The comparison of the increased and decreased pluralities is a most interesting study. It will be especially valuable to the voters in the respective districts, because they are able to judge for themselves what were the influences which decided the vote in 1906, and they alone can carry into full effect the determination of the people of the country to protect and defend the natural and inherent rights of the workers, Everyone must realize that in a campaign of this kind funds are necessary to pay the legitimate expenses, such as hall rent, printing, and postage. When it is considered that our total income for carrying on this work in 1906 was only $8.225.94, all of which was donated by local unions and friends, and in view of the fact that recently the press of the country has been exposing the enormous amounts of money that were raised from corporations or their representatives for corruption purposes, the American Federation of Labor, its members and friends, may well be proud of its achievements in the past and may hope for a far greater measure of success in the future.

The campaign as conducted was on clean, honest, nonpartisan lines in every particular, and was a credit to those who had it in charge. An itemized statement of every penny of income and expenditure has

been printed and given full publicity, something that has never been done before in the history of a political party or movement.

The same course will be pursued in the impending campaign. We have every reason to believe that in view of the serious crisis which confronts the workers, there will be far greater political activity this year than ever before. Our campaign work will still be dependent upon voluntary contributions from friends and sympathizers, but we have no fear whatever of the result, for our cause is just and righteous. While no distinct effort was made to form labor parties per se in 1906, the policy was followed of electing men who had paid-up union cards in their pockets where the opportunity presented itself. In many States this proved successful to a degree. When it was not possible to do this, candidates for office were questioned and their records noted, and where they expressed themselves favorable to labor's measures, regardless of party, they received the support of labor. The action of every Member of the Sixtieth Congress in regard to labor's measures and interests has been carefully noted, and this information will be available in every district for campaign purposes.

In addition to the efforts made in the Congressional campaign in 1906, the results accomplished in the various States in the elections of our friends to the State legislatures, as well as to municipal offices, should not be lost sight of. We will publish later some statistics on that point.

The policy advocated by the American Federation of Labor was effectively carried out by the State and central labor bodies-in many instances successfully in 1906-and they will be prepared this year to profit by that experience and accomplish still greater results. The practicability of our political movement has demonstrated itself in the action of the Sixtieth Congress. Members of that body who, prior to the last election, imagined that labor measures were something with which to play the game of " battledore and shuttlecock," and who were either hostile or indifferent, have now realized that even where they were not defeated, yet by the enormous reductions in the pluralities, a stinging rebuke had been administered them, and their record will be made the basis for future action at the hands of the workers. Already can be seen the handwriting on the wall and without fear of contradiction it can be said that labor will guard its interests and make its political power felt to a greater degree in the next Congress than in former ones, and better results will be obtained.

One of the greatest difficulties that has to be overcome in the utilization of our political power is the adherence to party organization by a large number of workers who can give no logical reason for their action. Indeed, it is a fact that in innumerable instances a large num. ber of our citizens for years have gone on blindly voting for either one of the two great parties, and could give no other reason for doing so except that their father or grandfather had voted that way and they continued in their practices. Times have changed since then and new circumstances demand a new use of the voting power.

It is against this sort of action that the American Federation of Labor has been carrying on an agitation for years, advising its members to discontinue this procedure. It has endeavored to inspire them to think and act politically for themselves, rather than have the party boss dictate for them. Our men of labor should realize that principle is far more important than party domination. The results, so far, of our independent action have surprised and in many instances created consternation among party machines and party dictators. At no time in the history of our movement was there so much independent voting as there was in the last campaign. The spirit is growing rapidly; there will be far better results this year.

Party machines and bosses can readily cope with organized rivals, always knowing their strength and their weakness, and can easily cause dissension among the latter to the confusion and ultimate disruption of the rival movement. Party leaders appreciate the potency of the independent voting power. It causes them much loss of sleep and trouble. They fear the growth of this spirit of independent voting more than anything else, as they realize that it means their ultimate destruction as dictators.

The policy of independent voting will be continued with a renewed vigor. It is already deeply impressed upon the minds of the workers that for them to be absolutely free from party domination and political slavery they should always and ever bear in mind that "they who would be free must first strike the blow."

The American workingman is fast shaking off the coils of the party boss and dictator, and in the future will continue to assert himself a free man politically.

Yes, after all is said and done, the last campaign, from the viewpoint of the American Federation of Labor, was a success, and there is every reason to hope that the impending campaign will be a greater one. Labor will continue to exercise its political activity to protect its rights and defend them, not only for the present, but for the future. Tabulation of Congressional vote 1904 and 1906.

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Cromer (Republican), elected in 1904 with 7,365 plurality, was defeated in 1906 by Adair (Democrat) by a plurality of 4,244.

Landis (F.) (Republican), elected in 1904 with 8,185 plurality, was defeated in 1906 by Rauch (Democrat) by a plurality of 3,155.

Wharton (Republican), elected in 1904 with a plurality of 4,531, was defeated by McDermott (Democrat), and a member of the Commercial Telegraphers' Union, in 1906, by a plurality of 1,620.

Michalek (Republican), elected in 1904 with a plurality of 885, was defeated by Sabath (Democrat), in 1906, by a plurality of 911. Rives (Republican), elected in 1904 with a plurality of 98, was defeated in 1906 by Caldwell (Democrat), pledged to labor's interest, by a plurality of 5,133.

Dickson (Republican), elected in 1904 with a plurality of 808, was defeated by Foster (Democrat), in 1906 by a plurality of 1,319.

Lacey (Republican), elected in 1904 with a plurality of 9,373, was defeated in 1906 by Hamilton (Democrat), pledged to labor's interest, by a plurality of 2,274.

D. A. De Armond.
J. Welborn.
C. W. Hamlin..
D. W. Shackleford
Champ Clark...
R. Bartholdt....

Republican 10th-----

Since the year 1904 Kansas has been redistricted and a new district, No. 8, formed, therefore no candidate was named in 1906 for Congressman at large.

New district in 1906.

Smith (Democrat), elected in 1904, plurality 410; defeated by Jackson (Republican) in 1906 with a plurality of 2.243.

d Wachter (Republican), not a candidate for reelection. Wolf (Democrat), pledged to labor's interest, elected in 1906 by 884 plurality. Klepper (Rep.) elected in 1904; plurality, 297. Alexander (Dem.) defeated him in 1906 by plurality of 2,053.

Fulkerson (Rep.) elected in 1904; plurality, 1,300. Booher (Dem.) in 1906 by plurality of 1,146.

Welborn (Rep.) elected in 1904; plurality, 1,478. defeated him in 1906; plurality, 1,751.

Defeated by

Hamlin (Dem.)

J. T. Lloyd.
Democrat 1st.
W. W. Rucker..
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2d.
F. B. Klepper. Republican. 3d..
J. W. Alexander.. Democrat 3d.
F. B. Fulkerson.. Republican 4th.
C. F. Booher----- Democrat 4th..
E. C. Ellis.
Republican 5th..
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20,216 19,796 1,085 3,141 + 2,056 21,639 20,676 3,043 19,089 +16,046 19,088 297

18,669

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18,601 1,146 23,873 21,496 961 1,786 + 825 17,678 17,574 1,041 1,995 + 954 23,682 1,478

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8th.. 9th..

32,243 1,751 16,059 16,245] 968 2,059 + 1,091 21,508 21,364 1,571 3,392 + 1,821 34,254 31,639 12,983 15,303 + 2,320 + Increase. -Decrease.

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25,245) 15,975 9,279: 3,585 - 5,691 27,523 21,524 11,266 5,128 - 6,138 Decrease.

No opposition in 1904. Wadworth (Rep.) elected in 1904; plurality, 13,036; defeated by Porter (Dem.) in 1906; plurality, 5.902. Allen (Republican) elected in 1904; plurality, 510; defeated by Hughes (Democrat), formerly a textile worker and pledged to labor's interest, by a plurality of 2,103.

4 Wiley (Republican) elected in 1904; plurality, 12,597; defeated for renomination in Republican Congressional convention by Gotticb, a member of the International Typographical Union. Gottlob, Repub lican nominee in 1906, defeated by Pratt (Democrat) by a plurality of 5,874. It is claimed that disgruntled friends of Wiley voted for the Democrat in opposition to Gottlob because of his well-known trade-union activity.

Van Winkle (Republican) elected in 1904; plurality, 2,425; defeated by Leake (Democrat) in 1906; plurality, 5,739.

Campbell (Republican) elected in 1901; plurality, 344; defeated by Ansberry (Democrat) in 1906; plurality, 1.015.

Scroggy (Republican) elected in 1904; plurality, 2,377; not a candidate for reelection. Hildebrandt (Republican) defeated by Denver (Democrat) in 1906; plurality, 1,180.

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25,610 26,289 20,360 22,296 +1,936 28,146 21,622

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29,390 25,593 +3,771 34,98438,260 26,275 31,881 +5,609 26,145 19,653 19,675 11,427 -8,248 26,099 22,416 10,252 4,185 -6,067 17,685 18,903 6,159 9,896 +3,717

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25,711

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+ Increase. · Decrease.

Davis (Democrat), elected in 1904; plurality. 915; not a candidate for reelection. Dent (Democrat) defeated by Sturgiss (Republican) in 1906; plurality, 3,632.

Babcock (Republican) elected in 1904; plurality, 385; defeated by Murphy (Democrat) in 1906; plurality, 1,011.

e Otjen (Republican) elected in 1904; plurality, 5,179; defeated for renomination by Cary (Republican), a member of the Railway Telegraphers' Union. Cary was elected in 1906 with a plurality of 3,472.

While the above tables show that the majority of the dominant party was cut in two-that is, reduced from 112 to 56-it is also interesting to note that had the policy of the American Federation of Labor been fully carried out the results would have been more remarkable.

The following table shows instances where the majority of the dominant party would have been reduced 15 more had the American Federation of Labor's policy been fully carried out:

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2,476

LABOR'S POLITICAL CAMPAIGN.

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226 3,857 13,701 4,638 4,08! 21,547 15,924 11,723 5,446 — 6,277 18,206 15,008 7,609 4,699 2,919 23,131 15,490 14,891 1,327-13,564 17,271 13,562 9,189 5,453 3,736 14,763 1,868

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19,861

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6,117 3,033 18,400 17,281 15,063 16,278 + 1,205 17,322 13,440 13,992 7,532 - 6,460 18,403, 13,364 13,114 7,624 - 5,490 19,384 14,525 14,420 10,417 4,003

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Lilley (Republican) elected in 1904; plurality, 6,872; defeated by Kipp (Democrat) in 1906; plurality, 803.

(2) Deemer (Republican) elected in 1904; plurality, 7,846; defeated by W. B. Wilson (Democrat), secretary-treasurer United Mine Workers of America; plurality, 381.

(4) Samuel (Republican) elected in 1904; plurality, 1,778; defeated by McHenry (Democrat), president of the Pennsylvania Patrons of Husbandry, and pledged to labor's interest, in 1906; plurality, 2.476.

() Schneebeli (Republican) elected in 1904; plurality, 1,868; defeated by Brodhead (Democrat) in 1906; plurality, 2,944.

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SEC. 2. That all land allotted to allottees of the Five Civilized Tribes and subject to restriction may be leased by the allottees, or in the case of minors as provided in section 6 hereof, for periods nct exceeding five years without the privilege of renewal, except that oil, gas, or other mineral leases for any period of time, and other leases if made for more than five years, of any such restricted lands, whether of adults or minors, may be made with the approval of the Secretary of the Interior and not otherwise.

SEC. 3. That the rolls of citizenship and of freedmen of the Five Civilized Tribes approved by the Secretary of the Interior and the enrollment records connected therewith shall be conclusive evidence as to the age and the quantum of Indian blood of any enrolled citizen or freedman of said tribes to determine questions arising under this act. SEC. 4. That all land from which restrictions shall have been removed shall be subject to taxation and all other civil burdens as though it were the property of other persons than allottees of the Five Civilized Tribes. The land of allottees enrolled as freedmen shall be subject to taxation from and after sixty days from the passage of this act.

SEC. 5. That any attempted alienation or incumbrance by deed, mortgage, contract to sell, power of attorney, or other instrument or method of incumbering real estate, made before or after the approval of this act, which affects the title of the land allotted to allottees of the Five Civilized Tribes prior to removal of restrictions therefrom, and also any lease of such restricted land made in violation of law before or after the approval of this act shall be absolutely null and void.

SEC. 6. That the persons and property of minor allottees of the Five Civilized Tribes, except as otherwise specifically provided by law, shall be subject to the jurisdiction of the probate courts of the State of Oklahoma. The Secretary of the Interior is hereby empowered, under rules and regulations to be prescribed by him, to appoint such local representatives for the eastern district of Oklahoma as he may deem necessary to care for the allotted restricted land of allottees, whether adults or minors of the Five Civilized Tribes, including, when the supervision of the Secretary of the Interior is authorized by law, the sale or leasing of such lands and the disposal, for the benefit of the Indians, of the proceeds of such sales or leases. Said appointed representatives shall, without charge except necessary court fees, if any, care for the restricted allotted land of minor allottees of the Five Civilized Tribes, and shall annually account concerning such restricted land, both to the Secretary of the Interior and to the respective probate judges having jurisdiction of the persons and property of such minors. The probate judge may appoint the representative of the Secretary of the Interior having charge of the restricted land of any such minor to act as guardian for such minor without fee or charge, except necessary court charges and expenses incurred under order of the court. Supplemental to the funds appropriated and available for expenses connected with the affairs of the Five Civilized Tribes, there is hereby ap propriated, for the salaries and expenses arising under this section, out of any funds in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, the sum of $90,000, to be available immediately, and until July 1, 1909, for expenditure under direction of the Secretary of the Interior.

SEC. 7. That no contest shall be instituted after sixty days from the date of the selection of any allotment hereafter made, nor after ninety days from the approval of this act in case of selections made prior thereto by or for any allottee of the Five Civilized Tribes, and, as early thereafter as practicable, deed or patent shall issue therefor.

SEC. 8. That section 23 of an act entitled "An act to provide for the final disposition of the affairs of the Five Civilized Tribes in the Indian Territory, and for other purposes," approved April 26, 1906, is hereby amended by substituting for the words “a United States commissioner," at the end of said section, the words "a judge of a county court of the State of Oklahoma."

SEC. 9. That the death of any allottee of the Five Civilized Tribes shall operate to remove all restrictions from the alienation of said allottee's land: Provided, That no conveyance of any interest of any the court having jurisdiction of the settlement of said estate.

HON. CHARLES D. CARTER, blood Indian heir in such land shall be valid unless approved by

OF OKLAHOMA,

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

Saturday, May 30, 1908.

Mr. CARTER said:

Mr. SPEAKER: Under the general leave to print for five days I will insert the following history of the removal of restrictions, properly arranged, commencing January 29, 1908, and ending when the bill was signed by the President:

[H. R. 15641, Sixtieth Congress, first session.]

In the House of Representatives, January 29, 1908. Mr. MCGUIRE introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs and ordered to be printed.

A bill for the removal of restrictions from part of the lands of allottees of the Five Civilized Tribes, and for other purposes.

Be it enacted, etc., That from and after sixty days from the date of this act the status of the lands allotted heretofore or hereafter to allottees of the Five Civilized Tribes shall, as regards restrictions on alienation or incumbrance, be as folows: All lands, including homesteads, of said allottees enrolled as intermarried whites shall be free from all restrictions. All lands, including homesteads, of said allottees enrolled as freedmen shall be free from all restrictions, but all sales or incumbrance of their lands prior to March 1, 1909, shall be void unless the adequacy of the consideration and the fact of its actual payment or proper security therefor be approved by the Secretary of the Interior. All lands, including homesteads, of said allottees enrolled as of less than half Indian blood shall be free from all restrictions. All lands, except homesteads, of said allottees enrolled as mixed-blood Indians having half or more than half Indian blood shall be free from all restrictions. All homesteads of said allottees enrolled as mixed-blood Indians having half or more than half Indian blood and all allotted lands of enrolled living full-bloods shall not be subject to alienation, contract to sell, power of attorney, or any other incumbrance until April 26, 1931, except that the Secretary of the Interior may remove such restrictions, wholly or in part, under such rules and regulations concerning terms of sale and disposal of the proceeds for the benefit of the respective Indians as he may prescribe. The Secretary of the Interior shall not be prohibited by this act from continuing to remove restrictions as heretofore, and nothing herein shall be construed to impose restrictions removed from land by or under any law prior to the passage of this act.

[H. R. 16735, Sixtieth Congress, first session.]

In the House of Representatives. February 10, 1908.

Mr. SHERMAN introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs and ordered to be printed.

A bill in relation to the affairs and property of the Five Civilized Tribes, etc.

Be it enacted, etc., That the Attorney-General is hereby authorized to bring suit, when requested by the Secretary of the Interior, in the name of the United States, or of any other appropriate complainants or plaintiffs, for the use and benefit and on behalf of the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Cherokee, Creek, or Seminole tribes, or any enrolled member of either thereof, before or after the dissolution of the tribal government upon any matter or cause of action arising before or after such dissolution, for the following purposes: To recover any moneys, lands, town lots, funds, or any other property claimed by, or belonging to, any of said tribes, or any enrolled member thereof, received in the distribution of the land or moneys of said tribes, or rents and profits arising therefrom, to which, in the judgment of the Secretary of the Interior, such tribes or members may be entitled; to cancel and annul any conveyance, deed, or patent to any lands or town lots and to recover such property or its value wherever such conveyance, deed, or patent was made or procured in any manner contrary to the provisions of existing law authorizing the conveyancing, patenting, or alienation of same; to cancel or reform any lease, power of attorney, or other instrument in writing, affecting the lands or moneys of any of said tribes or any enrolled member thereof under which any adverse or hostile claim or right is or may be asserted against such tribe or member, made or procured without authority of law or in violation of the provisions of any law or regulation of the Department of the Interior appli cable in such cases; to remove a cloud or encumbrance from the title of any lands allotted to any enrolled member of any of said tribes which may now or hereafter exist by reason of any conveyance or attempted conveyance, encumbrance or attempted encumbrance thereof, or any instrument of writing affecting the same, executed by or procured from any such member in person or through power of attorney prior to the removal of restrictions upon the alienation of such lands; for any other cause or causes, not herein enumerated, by appropriate action, through which, in the judgment of the Secretary of the Interior, any substantial right or interest of any such tribe or member may be protected, restored, or recovered.

SEC. 2. That any suit or suits provided for in this act may be instituted in any court of the State of Oklahoma where jurisdiction over

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