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from the sale of the farm products is so small and so much labor required in its collection that the proposition becomes too gigantic and the remuneration too small to invite the attention of the capitalist; so he is content to confine his energies to mines, and timber, and oil wells, provided the farmers and home owners pay all the tax.

The Constitution of the United States gives to all men equal security in life and property, and under our system of human law if a man finds a body of mineral or a deposit of oil and complies with the laws of the State in acquiring possession it lawfully becomes his property, regardless of what may have been the intention of the divine law of the Creator. Thus far we have no desire nor right to interfere with the constitutional rights of the individual mine or oil-well owner, so long as he proceeds and continues to operate by his own energy or by the use of his own capital in the employment of other physical energy than his own. But when, in addition to absorbing all this wealth to himself, he asks for and uses public money procured from other individuals, then it becomes the legitimate functions of government to assume such degree of supervision as shall insure to the greatest degree of public good. In the collection of this tax which I propose it becomes in a way an insurance to the people against the ultimate destruction of this source of natural and national wealth, which by every reason of moral equity rightfully belongs to all the people. In time the mineral wealth of our country will be entirely destroyed, for the minerals of the earth can not be replenished like our forests and the renewal of fertility of our fields. So it becomes the duty of our Government to both conserve our mineral wealth and the individual wealth of our citizens, for when this value is once destroyed the struggle for existence upon the part of the wage-earner will be still more fierce than it is to-day, and the conservation of our national resources in the interest of our whole people is a duty so plain that all can understand it. Aside, however, from the natural losses to the people there is not a source of artificial loss through the modern methods of capitalizing mining and oil-well corporations.

For purpose of illustration, a man will locate a trace of a mineral and immediately stake out a mining claim under the laws of the United States, without restriction or supervision whatever procure a State charter, rush to the printing office and have a few basketsful of stock certificates printed, with the capital stock issue usually at $1,000,000 and the par value of $1 per share. Now, it may be that all he has is a naked claim with a little surface development to show a trace of mineral. His prospectus is sent out. The newspapers are freely used-and in this respect are a party to the crime of fraud which is constantly being played upon the people-and shares of stock in this prospective mining is sold in exchange for the people's money.

a gamble of 1 chance out of 500 of ever receiving any dividends, much less the return of the original investment. So a law can be framed in which the Government will have the power to give accurate and honest reports, the legitimate mining industries of the country will receive a very great boom, while the dishonest mining corporations will be wiped entirely out of existence. If one man or a few men want to take a mineral out themselves or use their own credit or money in a private partnership affair or a closed corporation this law will do them no harm, because their operation will not come within the jurisdiction of this law. But if they want to use the people's money to operate and exploit what could properly be termed "people's property," then the Government has the right to act in this intermediary capacity.

I have been unable to procure any exact data at this time of the mining and oil wealth of the United States, but it is esti mated that this tax will provide an annual fund approximating $50,000,000 per year. Up to this time, Mr. Speaker, in the present fiscal year our Government deficit already amounts to $66,000,000, and if the present business depression keeps up for another ten months our Government will again be selling bonds to provide money to meet the running expenses of our Government. The sale of Government bonds always means a first mortgage against all our homes. This means that not only must we compromise in governmental expenditures, but that we must seek new avenues of taxation, for the farmer and laborer of the country are already assuming more than their share and more than they can afford.

ENORMOUS TAX FUND COLLECTED FROM THE PEOPLE IN TEN YEARS.

During the ten fiscal years, from 1898 to 1907, the receipts of the United States Government from customs and internal revenues and other sources amounted to $6,843,603,206, a sum more than twice as much as the total money in circulation of the country; a sum equal to 6 per cent upon the total wealth of the United States. Thus the Government collected from the people in these ten years an amount equal to over $86 for every man, woman, and child in the country. During the same time the expenditures amounted to $6,622,800,814. Thus in these ten years the Government collected in excess of its expenditures $202.802.392. In four of the ten years, however, there were deficits in the revenues, two of these being due to the extraordinary expenditures of the Spanish war.

The ideal financial condition of a government is one in which the revenues from taxation amount to only a little more than the expenditures. A deficit is always bad for a government, as it is for a corporation or a business house; but a large surplus also is unsound government finance, inasmuch as it means excessive taxation, and under our Treasury system it leads to the absorption into the Treasury of sums of money which could be used to better purposes in the channel of trade. The following shows the Government receipts and expenditures in each year from 1898 to 1907:

1898

1899.

1900.

1901. 1902

1904.

1905. 1906

An honest effort may or may not be made to develop the property. The investor finally wants information and probably 1903.. the promoter is gone and nobody knows anything about it. Not only is his money gone, but with the loss of his money comes the loss of confidence in humanity and self-despondency, 1907which is infinitely more harmful to our citizenship than even the loss of money. If this bill which I propose becomes a law, the promoter will first have to pay into the United States Treasury 1 per cent of his total capitalization. So if he wants to capitalize his company for $1,000,000 he will be obliged to pay a Government tax of $10,000 per year. This tax serves the Goyernment and the people two specific purposes:

First. In the course of a hundred years the corporation will have to return to the Government and to the people the full amount of its valuation as a partial reimbursement for the loss of the mineral to the Government.

Second. It will provide a large sum of money annually, which can be used to help meet the growing Government deficit and to help pay for some of our great internal improvements which the public are now demanding. Furthermore, if a man buys a share of mining stock under this bill he will be in a position to procure authentic Government reports, both as to what has been done with the money spent and what the actual value of the property is and what the prospective chances are for future profits.

WILL AID LEGITIMATE MINING.

The mining business is just as legitimate as any other form of business and one of the most useful industries of our country. It brings to the surface the hidden wealth of the earth, whence it circulates for the benefit of all mankind. It seems to have become a most fertile field for dishonest promotion. I believe it is claimed by one of the leading mine owners and operators in the world that not 1 mine in 500 ever pays dividends. So it would seem that when a person buys mining stocks he takes

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While these figures are familiar to us, it is well for an occasional recapitulation that we may keep in mind what the collection of this enormous fund from the people and its expenditure mean. Instead of growing less the governmental expenditures are increasing at an alarming rate, in addition to our regular expenditures. We face the public demand and need for national appropriations for waterway construction and for building permanent public highways, but we can give no consideration to these important questions until we can provide a means of payment by an equitable and fair distribution of the burden.

Under the provision of this bill I wish to call attention to the fact that coal mines are not included, as a tax upon coal to this extent would be a tax upon both production and consumption. The other mining and oil corporations which I have named produce an annual wealth approximating $5,000,000,000, or nearly as great as the farm production wealth. farms bear nearly all the burden of taxation, while the industries I have named, producing almost as much wealth, and infinitely more profitable than farming, contribute practically nothing toward our national taxation.

OUR PUBLIC HIGHWAYS.

Our

As railways are important and necessary to the development of our country, of still greater importance to our whole people is the construction of permanent highways. At the present time

we have over 2,000,000 miles of public roads. The enormous burden of their construction and their maintenance has fallen almost exclusively upon the farmers. It is not fair that he should be compelled to assume all this burden. We are all dependent upon the farmer for our living, for our comforts, for our prosperity, for our government. He represents the central base around which and upon which all else depends. When he is prosperous his prosperity is shared by all classes of business men and workers. Everything of economic value radiates from him. It is the law of nature as well as the law of trade.

So again it becomes the function of our central Government to exercise its full rights under the Constitution to aid in bringing about a greater uniformity in our national taxation in the interests of all the people. Closely and inseparably interwoven in this great question of taxation is the question of the tariff, which I shall take up at another time and prove beyond all doubt that the tariff can be so revised as to not only provide greater revenue, but greater protection to American labor and greater individual prosperity to our people. When our people once learn, Mr. Speaker, how they are being robbed, not for the benefit of our Government or American workingmen, but for the benefit of criminal trusts, the demand for equal taxation and equal opportunities will be such that Congress will heed.

I think they have already learned the lesson and that the Sixty-first Congress will be a Congress of the people, for the people, and by the people. The time is here for a square deal in practice, not alone in theory. This bill which I propose is fair and right and just, bringing good to all and harm to none, except, perhaps, the dishonest mine or oil well promoter.

Compensation Bill.
SPEECH

OF

HON. ADOLPH J.

OF ILLINOIS,

Everyone of us is sworn to support the Constitution of the United States and, by inference, to afford to the people, our constituents and our fellow-citizens, due process of law. The Constitution is a growing and living organism and entity. It has protected commerce from the canal boat and the post rider to the steam railroad, electric traction, telegraph, and telephone; and there is no reason why the persons employed in interstate commerce should be left to remedies which were thought adequate at a time when the simple relation between master and servant were not interfered with by colossal machinery and a complicated system of industrial organization.

INADEQUACY OF THE AMERICAN SYSTEM OF DAMAGES.

The theory of American law is that the contract between the employer and his employee, called at common law "his servant," is ample to take care of the person who is injured by reason of the contract. theory that the damages may be sought primarily against the The law furthermore proceeds on the wrongdoer. As a matter of fact, the injured person in the complicated system inherent in our modern industrial conditions has no redress, because the person who primarily caused the wrong is financially unable to respond in damages. The law then allows an action against the master at common law on formal proof, with burden upon the person injured to show negligence, and puts the burden, as it should in all actions, upon the injured employee or widow, to sustain the cause of action against the master.

The reason for the rule has changed so entirely and the exceptions which have been ingrafted by the courts have become so noxious that the social problem has been overlooked or pushed aside for the benefit of legal jugglery and hair-splitting distinctions by great judges. The administration of the law has become so refined, delicate, and neat, for the purpose of maintaining the rights of the possessing classes or corporations, that the more important question, the human question, the question of humanity and of social justice of the complainant, is utterly forgotten in the defense of vested rights.

SABATH, may always be called intrenched wrongs; but I do claim that

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

Tuesday, May 26, 1908.

Mr. SABATH said:

Mr. SPEAKER: Owing to lack of opportunity to deliver my views on my compensation bill, H. R. 16739, printed in its present form February 10, 1908, and to the inability to obtain the floor of the House for the purpose of considering my bill I avail myself of this opportunity to present to the American people, under the privilege of leave to print, the remarks which follow.

The vast importance of the subject, its novelty as applied to the employees of all carriers of all interstate railroads, require a certain elaboration of this, the first general compensation bill. The vitally important subject of the general compensation bill has been approved in principle by President Roosevelt, and it is proper that the attention of the people should be called to the general provisions of my general American compensation bill H. R. 16739, which may be found printed in the course of

these remarks.

In the course of an experience of over twelve years on the bench in Chicago, one of the greatest cities in the world, every kind and class of cases were brought before me. My duty not only consisted in enforcing the laws, but in attempting to alleviate the misery and the damages caused by our modern economic system. This last function was impressed on me by the horrible cases of breaking up of families, degradation of the widows, and ruin of the daughters, caused by the loss of the father's or brother's earning power. Years and years of litigation, appeals, new trials, and all the necessary steps of our modern procedure brought it about that the results of the litigation were wasted, and social degradation of the family, without any fault of their own, ensued. Gradually the idea became stronger and stronger in my mind that some method must be found whereby this can be changed.

Inquiry into the circumstances which had induced foreign governments to investigate all phases of the industrial situation abroad and enact adequate remedial legislation for the specific instances disclosed as requiring further official regulation, convinced me of the similar necessity resting upon us here to take up the problem and bring about some form of relief.

The object of my compensation bill (H. R. 16739), as of all compensation acts, is to correct what heretofore has amounted to a denial of justice.

I do not go as far as Lewis, who states that vested rights the maintenance of a rule which was harsh when it was started, which has become unjust in its operation, which under the totally changed industrial conditions under which great operations of manufacturing, of commerce, and of interstate commerce must be carried on, becomes a pernicious and dangerous form, because under the guise of exercising the law it brings about a denial of justice, and induces a feeling of distrust for the courts which it is hard to overcome.

When it is remembered that we hold all our property, in the last instance, through the forbearance and self-control of the vast class of persons who are at risk day by day, and who, were they united, could rend and tear not only our possessions, but our very bodies, it is surprising to see the dense carelessness of the possessing community before this great-I had almost said class; but there are no classes in America; at least it is so claimed.

But, Mr. Speaker, the method which has been pursued by the courts in enforcing the strict letter of the law has brought about a feeling that injustice is done to the employee in nearly every instance, which injustice is due not to the administration of the law, but to the inherent injustice of the theory and its perverse construction. The litigation which is necessary to enforce the rights of these persons at common law brings out the extreme of the law, which is always injustice.

The suitors in these cases are our maimed fellow-citizens, or, in the event of his death, his widow or the guardian ad litem for his orphans. In no case do they stand before the court equally prepared with a great corporation which defends the action. It is absurd on the part of any person who has ever practiced even a few years in any court to say that the poor man can hire a great lawyer. His social and economic condition, his lack of relation to the great leaders of the bar, his very maimed condition or the depressed position, through the loss of the father, all prevent him or them having access to any except the ordinary persons who take these cases on contingent fees. That is the average rule. But let us assume that the widow or the injured person has the very best counsel, that they have counsel who are so impressed with their duty to the public and to the court and so carried along by the desire to do justice that, although they have been defeated in one court, they will appeal and appeal, and follow their first victory from the lower courts to the Supreme Court of the United States, until the law ultimately says that the corporation must pay damages.

In the course of these remarks I shall have to submit so many series of statistics that I shall not burden the RECORD with any un

necessary material, but a careful investigation has convinced me that the pluckiest and quickest litigants never get a final determination under four years, and that cases have been in the circuit court of appeals (Erie Rwy. Co. v. Kane) four times (118 F. R., 223; 142 F. R., 682; 155 F. R., 118), and the litigation has lasted ten years. The accident to Kane occurred December 17, 1897; the circuit court of appeals handed down its opinion June 26, 1907. In cases of great historical importance, such as Johnson v. Southern Pacific Company, the injury took place within four days after the safety-appliance act went into effect, in August, 1900. The action was finally decided by the Supreme Court on December 19, 1904 (196 U. S., 1), and finally, in May, 1908, eight years after his injury, Johnson has received a slight sum by way of settlement with the company.

under any consideration. Certain of the companies will write five, ten, and fifteen year endowment policies for switchmen-a small portion of the employees under consideration-at premiums based upon a twenty-year advance in age; thus, for instance, a switchman aged 25 years may obtain such a policy by paying the 45-year endowment premium rate. Inasmuch as insurance premium rates are based upon broad observation and are always the result of careful and accurate consideration, this fact is vastly significant. It means that the man who embraces the occupation of railroad switchman thereby at once cuts twenty years off his reasonable expectancy of life. there is any compensating advantage in this occupation to offset the horror of this grim fact, I have failed to discover it in more than twenty years' close observation of the conditions of railway labor.

If

In the Schlemmer case the injury occurred within a day or two after the safety-appliance act went into effect; the case was decided by the Supreme Court on March 4, 1907 (205 U. S., 1),ployees have been compelled to establish and maintain insurin favor of Schlemmer's widow, who on the second trial obtained a verdict against the carrier recently, and the action is now on its indeterminable route of delay to the higher State courts, and possibly will again return to the Supreme Court of the United States. Now, what do you think, Mr. Speaker, becomes of the widow in the interim? What care is taken of the children, and what has the State done to relieve itself of the duty which it owes to Schlemmer and to Johnson and to thousands and thousands of railway employees similarly situated all over the country? The litigation which these people are forced to undertake under the process of our common law, even if successful, is inefficacious. The fruits of the litigation are wasted in attorney's fees, printing cases, and costs, and to the repayment of debts necessary to maintain the family. The social standard of the survivors has been lowered or else the family has gone to pieces; the maimed man, if he has not died of his injuries, has become a tramp; the children have been taken from school; the families have been split up and separated perhaps forever.

Or let us take the case of a woman who was injured through the violation of the master in not guarding his machinery. St. Louis Cordage Company v. Miller (126 F. R., 495) is a case in which Walter Sanborn, C. J., of the circuit court of appeals for the eighth circuit, wrote a very painstaking, carefully thought out, and exquisitely inhuman opinion. The woman, after having had her hand mashed in a cog, was thrown out of court. The judge writing the opinion of the court claimed that, although the factory act of Missouri protected her, yet she assumed the risk of her employment and must go forth without damages. Now, what can a factory hand do who has had a right hand or arm mashed? The probabilities are that she is unfit for domestic employment; her tastes, her habits have been fixed; the court throws her out. If there is any method for that woman to earn her living except to go on the streets, it is not due to any care that the State has taken to protect her from the prospective evils; and surely the State owes these people some kind of a fair chance. These are our fellow-citizens; these are people whose places may be taken in two or three generations from among the children of those sitting in this Chamber. In this country it is three generations from shirt sleeves to shirt sleeves, and the very thing we may overlook in the case of others may happen to our grandchildren or to their children, caught by and dragged down in the maelstrom of industrial coercion.

The courts will say that the laborer is free; that he chooses his occupation; that if he takes up a dangerous occupation he takes the risk-he does it with his eyes open; he is compensated for it, and that his wages in part may be used, if properly employed, toward buying insurance in some industrial or accident corporation to compensate him for the risk which he is bound to take. Is it not a truism, which must only be stated to be understood, that the choice or freedom of the laborers is entirely illusory; that they have no choice; that the fiction which claims to treat them as free persons is overcome by the actualities of their conditions, which make wage slaves of them all; that the wages are always so small and purchase so little, thanks to the protective system and to the trusts, that adequate self-insurance is impossible, and that very, very few of them have any insurance which will, under the present régime, keep their families out of the poorhouse?

Let us briefly consider the financial burden imposed upon railroad employees by the casualties which are an incident of their calling. It is well known that employees in railroad train service are unable to procure insurance in any of the old line companies except at rates that are practically prohibitive, while most of the companies absolutely refuse to accept such risks

Being denied the benefits of ordinary insurance, railroad emance societies of their own. Those societies are never called upon to pay death claims as a result of old age. Their payments, however, on account of railroad accidents are surprisingly large and in most of the organizations represent a major portion of the total claims paid. In the year 1906 the Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen, with a membership of 82,937, composed of conductors, brakemen, switchmen, and baggagemen, paid 1,350 claims, amounting to a total of $1,671,548.96. More than two-thirds of these claims, or 927 of the whole number, representing a cash total of considerably more than a million dollars, were paid as a result of deaths and disabilities caused by railroad accidents. During the year ending June 30, 1907, the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen, with a membership of about 63,000 engineers and firemen, paid 663 death and disability claims, amounting to $947,100. More than 51 per cent of these claims, or 340 of the whole number, representing a cash payment of $489,500, were paid on account of deaths and disabilities caused by railroad accidents. The Switchmen's Union of North America is a comparatively small organization, with membership confined to switchmen employed in railroad-yard service. That year (1906) this organization paid 179 death and disability claims. Three-fourths of these claims, or 128 of the whole number, were paid for deaths or disabilities incurred by members while in the ordinary discharge of their vocation.

Why should this enormous toll of life and treasure be exacted from railroad employees? Does the efficient operation of the nation's splendid transportation system require that this great burden should remain where it now lies? Suppose we admit that the terrible sacrifice of lives and limbs is a necessary concomitant of railroad operation. Suppose we resign ourselves with oriental fatalism to the belief that our transportation juggernaut must continue to crush out the lives of its operatives without abatement. Even then, can we excuse ourselves for saddling upon those operatives the financial burden of providing for the needs of their widows and orphans, made such by the very exigencies of the industry itself? Is it not more to the point and more akin to justice that this burden should be assumed by the transportation industry and, through it, by society as a whole?

DANGERS INHERENT IN ALL GREAT ENTERPRISES.

At the time when the law of master and servant received the form which we are now contending is utterly unjust, the industries were just beginning to receive the beneficent effect of the application of steam to machinery theretofore driven by human hands. The great decisions upon which the law of master and servant is based were rendered in the early thirties of the last century. They were rendered by men who had reached the place of chief justice long after the conditions under which the old theory of master and servant had developed-Ellenbrough in England and Chief Justice Shaw in Massachusetts. In laying down the law of fellow-servants, as applied to railroads, they were but expounding the law as they had learned it when economic conditions were simple, when the master knew every person employed by him, and when the employee had a chance to say to his employer: "This man is a reckless and dangerous fellow, regardless of the rights of his fellow-men, and I refuse to work with him. You have, the choice between keeping me or discharging him." The mere statement of this rule, applied to modern conditions, shows that it is impossible of application.

LACK OF IMAGINATION.

Lombroso, one of the great psychologists in criminology, has well stated that great crimes and certainly mass crimes

never can be committed unless there is a dullness of imagination or lack of nervous sentiency on the part of the perpetrator.

Probably the greatest railroad man this country has had, a man as careful as conditions allowed him to be of the welfare of his employees-Mr. Cassatt, of the Pennsylvaniawould have shuddered at the idea of becoming personally responsible for the existence and the choice of men in the thousand and one different branches of the enterprises in which the Pennsylvania companies were involved. The machinery has become so colossal that the master can not inspect, can not supervise, and himself becomes a part of the carelessness induced by the modern forms of corporate management. The unavoidable requirement of specialization necessitates their devoting their intelligence and energy to one definite thing. No one man is therefore deliberately accountable for the horrors which follow the administration of the antiquated system of master and servant's law; each man can shift the responsibility upon that great entity created and sanctioned by the State or Federal governments, the corporation, and say: "We are not responsible. We are paid to do a definite amount of work, and as long as we do that work society at large-the State-should bear the burden." Were it possible to bring these men into one room with the victims and show to them the consequences of their hiding behind the forms of corporate coldness of heart, I believe that many of them would resign their places rather than resist the enactment of a humane compensation act which would avert crushing misery and a lowering of the social standard of the persons involved, if not total degradation of their fellow-citizens.

The accidents which occur in all industries involving dangerous machinery, such as factories, steel mills, coal mines, quartz mines, and other extractive industries, in their widest scope, are not subjects over which the Congress of the United States has jurisdiction directly, and do not concern us in the present discussion.

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1906..

1905

Total employees

Employees killed. Employees injured. killed or injured.

Mileage operated (single

track). Number.

Per 100
miles
of line.

Number.

Per 100
miles
of line.

Number.

Per 100 miles of line.

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1904.

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1903

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1902

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1901

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1900_

192,556

2,550

39,643

20

42,193

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Limiting the discussion to railroads engaged in interstate commerce and to such other carriers as are subject to the power of Congress, I propose to show, principally from the statistics based on returns furnished by the carriers themselves, in accordance with law compiled by the Interstate Commerce Commission, that railroads require a regular percentage of life, limbs, and health of our fellow-citizens; that the number of men killed and injured in a regularly recurring number; that this 1897-. number constantly increases, but is in regular proportion with the mileage operated; that a certain proportion of the manhood of this country is slaughtered every minute of the twenty-four hours of every day; that a regularly recurring number of our young men is each year thrown aside as "scrap," and, as far as the present system of administration of the law of master and servant is concerned, as far as prompt and effective compensation goes, is as valueless to the community at large as the rotten ties which we see moldering along the tracks of every railway in these great United States.

This is a startling statement to make, were it not proven to the hilt by statistics. These statistics cover a period of nineteen years and are taken from the figures accessible to every man, published by the Interstate Commerce Commission, pursuant to the great law of its organization.

SUMMARY A.-Comparative statement of accidents to railway employees for the years named.

[Compiled from figures shown in the Annual Reports of Statistics of Railways in the United States, issued by the Interstate Commerce Commission.]

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1893.

1892

1890

1889

1888.

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Num-
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Num-
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Num- utes age Num- utes age

elaps- per ber. ing for day.

Num

ber

min

utes Aver

Num- elaps age

elaps- per ber.

ing for day.

ing for per

one

killed or injured.

221

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55 22,218

24

Total 48,512

724,537

Average

773,049

206

7

111

14 104

13

ANALYSIS OF SUMMARIES. Summary A.-The first summary presented shows the number of railway employees killed, the number injured, and the total casualties for nineteen years from 1888, the first year after the establishment of the Interstate Commerce Commission, to 1906, inclusive. During this period nearly 50,000 employees lost their lives at the post of duty and nearly threequarters of a million employees were either maimed or crippled. The total casualties numbered 773,049, an average for the nineteen years covered of over 40,000 a year. The per cent column is introduced to facilitate comparison of the years given with the total figures for the entire period.

The

Summary B.-The next summary shows the number of employees in service and the proportion killed and injured. falling off in the number employed, as indicated by the figures for the years 1894 to 1898, was due to the panic of 1893, and reflects one of the economies introduced by the railway managements during the hard times following this financial crisis. The per cent. column for employees killed clearly indicates the constant recurring death risk of the railway employee. There is hardly any perceptible fluctuation of this ratio for the years shown, and means approximately that 1 employee out of every 400 in service was killed each year. The proportion of injured has gradually increased each year until for 1906, the last year covered, the 5.04 per cent given indicates that one employee out of every twenty in service is injured, or that an employee in the service of a railway for ten years has an even chance of being injured.

Summary C.-This summary, showing the mileage operated and the number of employees killed and injured per 100 miles of line, reflects from another angle the constant recurring death risk year after year. The number injured increases each year in a greater ratio than the mileage operated, and apparently substantiates the results shown by the injured column of Summary B.

Summary D.-The last summary presented shows the number of minutes elapsing for each casualty and the average number of casualties per day. Approximately in every seven minutes of every hour of every day for the last three years named 1 employee was killed or injured. During the nineteen years covered the average was 1 killed or injured for every thirteen minutes of this entire period. The average killed each day for the whole period covered was 7 and the average injured 104. Compare these figures with the returns of some battles in the civil war, and remember that among the men who are not employed to fight but to move the daily traffic of the nation there are no returns for "missing."

[Figures made up in Pension Office.]

Shiloh, or Pittsburg Landing, Tenn., April 6-7, 1862:

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Union victory.

2,108

9,549

753 12,410

11,657

1,284
596

9,600
4,008

1,769

12,653

651

5,315

1,880

13,668 2,420

17,968

EQUIPMENT MORE VALUABLE THAN HUMAN LIVES! The necessary factors of railroad operation are sentient and insentient-human beings and the tools and materials with

It is said that more men were killed on the above date than on any which they work. Both are subjected to wear and tear; both other one day during the civil war.

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are wasted in the performance of their functions. The railroads bear the expense of repairing and replacing the waste of their insentient instruments of operation-the wear and tear of roadbed and track, bridges and buildings, locomotives and cars-but for their sentient instruments of operation they have no concern. The waste of human life and limb, the wear and tear of 14,283 that active, intelligent army of human beings whose labor alone makes their operation possible is not a necessary item in the expense account of railroads.

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