contract price. On a car of 45,000 pounds this means an advance of pay tribute, could find such delight in promoting and elevating $15, and on the year's consumption of paper, between 9 and 10 carthe happiness of his fellow-man. He could not by selfishness seek to promote his own interests at the expense of the welfare or the happiness of others, for of selfishness he had none. It is still easier to understand how men will love, admire, and give themselves to one thus great and good. Men always have and always will lavish their affection and give their earnest support to leaders possessing lofty ideals, warm sentiments, and noble hearts, and the success of our friend in all of his political contests shows conclusively that he possessed all of these attributes. The service he rendered to his constituents made every one of them his debtor, and here in this Chamber, the scene of most of his public labors, it is peculiarly becoming that we, his colleagues, should pay tribute to his memory. General Deficiency Appropriation Bill. "The attitude assumed by the majority in Congress during this session has demonstrated to tariff reformers, to organized labor, and to the consumers of the country the utter hopelessness of nay relief from the ills they complain of except by driving the Republican party from power." SPEECH OF loads, this means an increase of about $3,000 a year in the cost of white paper alone. This estimated advance takes no account of the enlargement of the Leader from 8 pages daily to 10 or 12 nearly every day and from 16 pages on Sunday to 24, 28, and 32 pages, but is based upon the increase of the cost of paper of the same quantity and quality. Every car of paper used in 1908 will cost $300 more than the same car cost in 1906, and the actual expense to the Leader of issuing the same number of papers of the same size will be $3,000 more in 1908 than in 1906, without a chance to recover a dollar of this increased cost except by increasing subscription or advertising rates. The enlargement of the paper since 1906 adds just that much more to the cost of white paper, but that may be considered as fully offset by the greater amount of advertising space secured. The problem with all newspapers is how to meet this burdensome tax from which there seems to be no present appeal. Regardless of whatever effect the general financial stringency may have, the Leader is face to face with an addition of $3,000 to a single item of its fixed charges, with its modest circulation. The newspaper from which this extract was taken has about 6,000 daily subscribers. The addition of $3,000 annually to its fixed charges means that it will cost its owner 50 cents more per subscriber to furnish the paper during the year 1908 than it cost during the year 1906. The editor and proprietor of this paper is a practical newspaper man with many years' experiOhio, and established his paper in a strong Democratic comence. He came to Lexington twenty years ago from Canton, munity, and from a small beginning it has grown until it is now a very valuable property. The editor is Mr. Samuel J. Roberts, who for the last eleven years has held the office of internal-revenue collector for the seventh district of Ken HON. WILLIAM PRESTON KIMBALL, tucky, having been appointed to that position by President OF KENTUCKY, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, On the bill H. R. 21946, the general deficiency appropriation bill. Mr. SPEAKER: I desire to submit a few observations upon the general subject of the present tariff laws, suggested by the very general discussion that has been carried on for some time, both in and out of Congress, upon the subject of the modification of the Dingley bill by placing wood pulp and white print paper on the free list. The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. TIRRELL], in a speech delivered on this floor on the 13th of February last, in discussing this subject, said: Yet, strange as it may appear, although the matter has, in my judg ment, excited more interest and comment during the past year than any other article upon the tariff schedule, we have up to this failed, as far as I can learn by reading the comments in the newspapers, or by the addresses on this floor, to ascertain one single reason why it should be done. No facts, no data have been given. At the risk of being regarded as a trespasser upon the preserves of the select committee of the House now engaged in having hearings and endeavoring to ascertain whether or not there is a paper trust, and as a modicum of information for the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. TIRRELL], I will now read an extract from the Lexington Leader, a daily Republican paper published in the city of Lexington, Ky., where I reside. This article appeared as an editorial in that paper under date of December 26, 1907: NEWSPAPERS AND THE PAPER TRUST. Kentucky is just now torn up over the iniquities of the tobacco trust, which is powerful enough to practically fix the price at which farmers shall sell their crops and retail dealers shall sell manufactured tobacco. The Leader is not familiar with all the ins and outs of the tobacco monopoly, but if it is one-half as grasping and as remorseless as the white paper trust, we don't blame the farmers for resisting to the utmost limit within the law, although we can not approve of violence and destruction of property. The newspapers are popularly supposed to be all powerful in avenging the wrongs of others, but they are at this time practically at the mercy of a monopoly that controls the supply of their principal "raw material" and are powerless to secure relief or redress. The newspaper publishers of America are, indeed, facing a serious, even desperate, situation in the advancing cost of white printing paper. Natural conditions have contributed to some extent to the increased price of paper, but the formation of an ironclad and far-reaching combination of practically all the paper mills of the country is responsible for the greater part of the enormous tax placed upon newspapers of the country by this advance. The International Paper Company, a gigantic corporation, generally known as the "paper trust," owns a majority of the paper mills and ground-wood plants and largely controls the available spruce forests of the country, from which printing paper is manufactured, and the smaller paper-making concerns from which competition might be expected have by some remarkable coincidence increased their prices exactly as the big trust has done and offer identically the same quotations in every instance. White paper. which in 1906 cost $1.80 to $2 a hundred pounds, Jumped to $2.25 early in 1907, then to $2.50 and even $2.75, and publishers have been warned to contract for their 1908 supplies early or take chances on $3 a hundred pounds. The Leader made some weeks ago what is considered under present conditions an advantageous contract for 10 carloads of paper in 1908 at $2.60 a hundred net, an increase of 70 cents a hundred over its 1906 William McKinley. He was brought up at the feet of the great protectionist, and when a younger man was employed on the paper edited by Mr. McKinley in Canton. I allude thus personally to Mr. Roberts in order that I may not be suspected of trying to convict the paper trust on the testimony of those who are hostile to the protective theory. Before proceeding further I desire to read from two of the messages of the President of the United States to the present Congress. In his first message, which came at the opening of Congress, he said: There should be no tariff on any forest product grown in this country, and, in especial, there should be no tariff on wood pulp, due notice of the change being of course given to those in the business, so as to enable them to adjust themselves to the new conditions. The repeal of the duty on wood pulp should, if possible, be accompanied by an agreement with Canada that there should be no export duty on Čanadian wood pulp. Again, in his message of March 25 last, in which he was urging Congress to prepare for the revision of the tariff by the collection during the coming recess of Congress of information by which to guide the Ways and Means Committee in the performance of their duty, he said: I am of the opinion, however, that one change in the tariff could with advantage be made forthwith. Our forests need every protection, and one method of protecting them would be to put upon the free list wood pulp, with a corresponding reduction upon paper made from wood pulp, when they come from any country that does not put an export duty upon them. The recommendations of the President in regard to this important matter-important to every publisher of every book, magazine, and paper of every kind and description, from the Bible down to the smallest weekly publication in the United States do not appear to have left a deep impression upon the majority of the House of Representatives. Though many wood-pulp bills were introduced by Republican Members, and the Democratic leader has assured the House that at any time thirty Republicans would break away from the House machine and vote with the Democrats on this question that a bill to this end would be passed, only one of them has come forward and offered to do so, and although a petition signed by every Democratic Member of the House, save two who were absent, was presented to the distinguished Speaker of the House, who probably owes as much of his fame to newspapers as to any other source, asking him to recognize any Member of the House, Democratic or Republican, as he might choose, to move the suspension of the rules and to discharge the Ways and Means Committee from the further consideration of this subject and to pass the Stevens bill or some like measure advocated by the publishers of the country, he has refused to do so and will continue to refuse until the end. The consideration of this matter by a select committee, under a resolution offered by the Speaker himself, was a ruse merely intended for delay and to prevent any real consideration of the subject by the present Congress, upon the theory that one breach in the protection wall might result in a serious attempt at a general revision of the tariff schedules. For, if the publishers of the country were to be relieved from the merciless pillage of the paper trust, no reason could be given why the other classes of the people similarly pillaged should not have the same relief; but after this matter had been committed to the safe-keeping of the House select committee investigating the paper trust under the resolution introduced by the Speaker, and knowing that it could not be brought to the front again to confuse and embarrass the protection leaders in the House of Representatives, they actually permitted one slight breach to be made in the protection wall. The House, the other day, passed an act introduced by the distinguished protectionist from Missouri [Mr. BARTHOLDT] putting "tea sweepings" on the free list. done. Competition excluded by the high rates of the Dingley tariff bill, various manufacturers of paper and wood pulp saw no reason why they should cut each other's throats when they could impose almost any price they chose upon the consumer of wood pulp and print paper without any fear of molestation. The utterances of the President of the United States in the two messages referred to and the complaint of my friend and neighbor, Mr. Roberts, are both serious admissions against the maintenance of a high protective tariff. For if the removal of the tariff upon wood pulp and print paper will restore the trade in those articles to former legitimate conditions and It is not possible that one-tenth of 1 per cent of the people furnish the American publisher with his stock of paper at a of America know what tea sweepings are or the purpose for reasonable figure and end the exactions of the trust or "workwhich they are used. It seems to be the trash or refuse from ing arrangement" between the manufacturers, then is it not tea, used in the manufacture of caffeine, the chief seat of which fair to assume that the placing of the tariff on wood pulp and industry is said to be in the district represented by the gen-white print paper was the cause of the present conditions about tleman from Missouri [Mr. BARTHOLDT]; but it was carefully which the publishers so justly complain? And are not the provided in that bill that these tea sweepings, in order to be same conditions true with respect to every article of use in placed on the free list, must be denatured and rendered entirely America that is manufactured by any other trust or lawful unfit for human consumption. Think of the absurdity of en- combination? The confederating of capital for useful, legitiacting legislation like this in the face of the great clamor from mate, and lawful purposes is never objectionable. Great enone end of the country to the other for the general revision terprises can not be successfully carried on without such conof the tariff; a revision in the interests of the masses of the federation; but when capital confederates for the purpose of people; a revision in the interests of the consumer, who, after stifling competition or destroying the great law of supply and all, pays the tariff upon every article affected by the schedules. demand and of obtaining more than the just measure of its A few manufacturers of caffeine have received this special reward, then such confederation is a crime. It is now adfavor, while hundreds of thousands of newspaper, magazine, mitted by the protection leaders that the time has "almost" and book publishers all over the country are denied this rea- arrived when there should be a revision of the tariff schedules, sonable and proper legislation, which even the great protec- but that it would be very unwise to attempt such a revision tionist President of the United States says is their due and until after the Presidential election of 1908. To this end all asks a Republican Congress to grant. suggestions of revision, including the relief to the publishers, has been sidetracked until after the election. In the meantime the Ways and Means Committee of the House of Representatives will proceed to collect data and consider the tariff, with a view to its revison at a called session of the Sixty-first Congress, provided, of course, that the Republicans have a majority in the House of Representatives. I must confess that a great many of the newspapers in the United States deserve little sympathy in their present predicament. If it had not been for the advocacy of a high protection tariff by the Republican newspapers of the United States the leaders of the Republican party could never have secured the enactment of the present unjust and outrageous tariff laws. The newspapers that supported the Dingley Act and advocated the highest rates of tariff possible may be divided into three classes: Those that actually believed in the theory of high protection; those that supported it because it was advocated by the political party with which they were affiliated, and the other, and perhaps smaller class, that had been subsidized by the protected interests. But they are all in the same boat now, for the paper trust, like all of the brood, has no political convictions. It would just as soon rob a paper advocating high protection as one advocating tariff for revenue only. It would just as soon rob the publisher of a Bible as the publisher of a sporting paper. Still, the publishers should have the relief they seek, because no country, under any guise whatever, ought to inflict wrong and injury upon any class of its citizens. The predicament in which the publishers of the country find themselves is a pointed illustration of the evils of high protection. They have discovered at last that the benevolent and mysterious foreigner, who was formerly said to pay the tariff, has suspended payment. Whether this suspension was caused by the late Republican panic, I am not able to say. But they have realized by sad experience-by an experience that illustrates a condition and not a theory-that the consumer pays the tariff taxes. The publisher of the Lexington Leader, with the addition of $3,000 per year to the fixed charges of his plant, will take good care, of course, that that amount is made up from the patrons of his paper, as will all of the other publishers. The advertising rates will be increased. Gradually, perhaps, but surely the subscription prices will be increased. The merchant, finding that the rate of advertising has been increased, will likewise increase the prices of his wares in order to meet the additional expense of advertising them. So in a short time the increased price of white print paper will fall upon those who buy newspapers and those who buy the goods and wares of the merchants who advertise with the newspapers. The paper trust is only one of more than 100 similar concerns that have come into existence since the passage of the tariff of 1897. With the coming of that legislation the American manufacturer found that it was impossible for the foreign manufacturer to compete with him, and, foreign competition having been eliminated by the gracious legislation of the Republican party, the manufacturers of almost every kind of article proceeded to form themselves into a trust by the combination of all the manufacturers of each particular class into one giant corporation and then to raise the prices of their output to an outrageous extent, and thus fleece the consumer of the country at will. This is exactly what the paper trust has This proceeding gives the whole matter away. This holdup of the question until after the election gives notice to every manufacturer in America that if the Republican party elects the next President and obtains control of the next House of Representatives, each of their particular cases will have to be passed upon by a Republican Congress, and that it would be wise to contribute something to the campaign fund. This view is borne out by the fact that the House of Representatives a few days ago passed a sort of political campaign publicity bill, to which was added what is known as the "Crumpacker bill," which provided for the reduction of Southern representation in Congress in States where the colored vote has been disfranchised by constitutional amendments, and also a provision placing the control of the Federal elections in the hands of the Federal courts. It is not intended that this bill shall be passed by the Senate, at least not before the next Presidential election. On January 14 last, when the House of Representatives had under consideration the criminal-code bill, I offered an amendment to the act of January, 1907, which prohibits national banks from making "money contributions" for campaign purposes, and to prevent corporations generally from making such contributions at any election where Federal officers are to be elected. The amendment proposed to strike out the words “a money contribution" and insert the words "any contribution of money or anything of value," which was adopted on a division, but defeated when tellers were demanded by the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. MooN], the chairman of the Committee on the Revision of the Laws, who had charge of the bill. It was defeated by the votes of the Republican majority, only one of them making any protest, and that was the gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. COOPER]. But his protest came after the vote had been taken. Under the law, as it now stands, it will be unlawful for any corporation to make a "money contribution" of $10,000 to the Republican campaign fund next fall, but it will not be unlawful to make such a contribution in stocks, bonds, or anything of value readily convertible into money. The amendment would have given the law some efficiency for good, but might have interfered with "frying the fat" from the trusts and unlawful combinations of capital now flourishing under the high protective-tariff system, which we are assured is to be revised after the Presidential election "by its friends.” The attitude of the Ways and Means Committee toward revision is well illustrated by a recent occurrence at a meeting of the committee when the gentleman from Missouri [Mr. CLARK], the ranking Democrat on the committee, called up the following House bills which were pending before the committee, and by the unanimous votes of the Republican Members the for other purposes,' approved March 8, 1902." The purpose of this bill appears to have been to regulate the tariff rates so as to give the Philippine Islands some measure of relief from its present exactions. Yet, it was sent to the junk pile along with the other 260 bills, by the votes of the Republican majority. This bill was accompanied to the junk pile by H. R. 112, introduced by the gentleman from Mississippi [Mr. WILLIAMS], which provides, in effect, that no tariff rate shall exceed 100 per cent ad valorem on any article. I append the following table showing some of the schedules affected by this bill and the per cent of duty on those schedules. It will be observed that the rate ranges from 111.85 per cent to 407 per cent ad valorem: Some average ad valorem tariff rates over 100 per cent under the act of 1897, known as the "Dingley law." SCHEDULE A-CHEMICALS, ETC. 15 116_do.. 153 Mr. Robinson---- Antitoxin and diphtheria serum. wood pulp, and white paper. 2 Alcoholic perfume... 60 cents per pound and Linotype and composing machines, 45 per cent ad valo rem. Printing paper, wood pulp, and materials. 21 Fruit ethers.. $2 per pound 1.05 190 204 Mr. Clark, Mo---- Wood pulp, white paper, and materials. 1 cent per pound (putty). Printing paper and wood pulp. 238.do... Printing paper, wood pulp, and lino type machines. SCHEDULE B-EARTHS, EARTHENWARE, AND GLASSWARE. Articles made in United States and sold abroad. 99 Shipbuilding materials, etc. 467 Mr. Griggs. Linotype machines and parts. 556 99 Mr. Thomas, N. C... White paper and materials. Same, less than pint... 50 cents per gross.. .34 148 3935 Mr. Byrd.. a 101 Pulp, paper, and manufactures of. Unpolished cylinder com 1 cents per pound 4795 Mr. Thomas, N. C... Linotype machines and parts. 4815 Mr. McHenry 6111 Mr. Weisse. Timber, lumber, bark, and wood pulp. Shipbuilding materials, etc. mon window glass, less than 16 by 24. 104 6113 ..do. 6292 Mr. Perkins.. Print paper, wood pulp, and materials. Lumber, wood, paper, pulp, and above 24 by 60 inches square. works of art. Lumber. 108 Spectacles 7580 ..do_ Coal. 20 per cent ad valorem. 7621 Mr. Richardson.. 7678 Mr. Byrd.- Lime nitrogen, or calcium cyaramid. Agricultural implements, household effects, etc. Mr. Hamilton, Iowa Shipbuilding materials. 110 9076 Mr. Howland.. 9150 Mr. Williams.. 118 9138 119 Mr. Adair. 9190 Mr. Fulton.. 124 10451 125 10452 128 10172 129 10473 131 10488 ..do.. Mr. Dixon.---- Mr. Ansberry. Pulp, paper, and materials. Products of American nations. 151 11753 Mr. Wallace. 294 Wood pulp and paper. Bay rum $1.50 per gallon Mr. Küstermann. 299 Chicle. Cherry juice.. 60 cents per gallon.. 12429 Mr. Russell, Mo-- 168 13652 Mr. Stephens, Tex-. Reciprocity in beef and pork products. Lumber. 177 14388 Mr. Rauch. 178 14391 186 15221 Mr. Parsons. Mr. Hamilton, Iowa. Philippine products. Mr. Williams. Floor mattings. rem. 16368 Mr. Smith, Mo.. Barytes, barium sulphate and compounds. Fence and barbed wire. Petroleum and products. 216 16982 Mr. Houston-. Saws. Mr. Hull, Tenu- SCHEDULE N. 228 17875 Mr. Flood. Farm implements and machinery. Coal. Mr. Candler Fence and barbed wire. Mr. Stevens, Minn.. Mr. Sanall. 20071 Mr. Sulzer.. 20072do. 254 20191 _do_ 274 21403 Mr. Gaines, Tenn. I call the attention of the committee to the fact that H. R. No. 3857 was introduced by the chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, the gentleman from New York [Mr. PAYNE]. The title of the bill is, "A bill to amend an act entitled 'An act temporarily to provide revenue for the Philippine Islands and The Republican party has never revised the tariff except to pile on more of it, and if the high protection theory is correct, they are right, because, if protection is a good thing, the more we have of it the better. If the tariff is revised by them again it will be done in the same old way. It is urged that the revision should be made by its friends. The protective tariff has no friends, except its beneficiaries, and its beneficiaries are only those who are enabled to rob the consumer by means of its iniquities. The revision of the tariff by its friends would be as absurd as calling a convention of porch climbers to devise new laws for the protection and security of the home or the assembling of a parliament of bawds to devise means to prevent the social evil. The Louisville Courier-Journal in a recent issue, under the head of “Incubators of iniquity," in discussing the matter of the Ways and Means Committee of the House of Representatives sitting during the recess of Congress to consider the tariff, assisted by the Senate Committee on Finance: The Ways and Means Committee of the House of Representatives, captained by SERENO E. PAYNE, standpatter, taking orders from JOSEPH G. CANNON, standpatter, will sit during the recess of Congress to consider the tariff, assisted by the Senate Committee on Finance. This would be hugely diverting were it not so genuinely depressing. His Satanic Majesty sitting to consider improvements in the Sabbath-school system, Friar Tuck preparing a temperance lecture, Robin Hood framing a bill of rights, King Richard III drafting improvements for the Decalogue. Nero writing verses upon the joys of the simple life, or Ananias declaiming against the unrighteousness of the alibi witness would not be more grotesque than SERENO E. PAYNE et al. pondering the problem of revising the Dingley schedules. Ali Baba and the Forty Thieves acting as a Christian Endeavor Society would be as likely to advance the cause of Christianity as NELSON B. ALDRICH'S Committee on Finance and its expert assistants are to collect material that will result in the introduction of a bill looking to the amelioration of the existing tariff law. The well-defined purpose of the Republican leaders to revise the tariff upward and in the interest of its friends, the manufacturers, may experience a rude shock at the coming November elections. The people are becoming aroused as they contemplate the enormities of the situation; even the newspaper publisers have begun to sit up and take notice. Rumblings of discontent with present conditions and of a lack of confidence in the party in power is heard in the land. The attitude assumed by the majority in Congress during this session has demonstrated to the tariff reformers, to organized labor, and to the consumers of the country the utter hopelessness of any relief from the ills they complain of, except by driving the Republican party from power. Confederated with and protecting every interest that oppresses the people, and turning a deaf ear to every demand for relief, it is doomed to defeat in November unless "justice has fled to brutish beasts and men have lost their reason." The Vreeland Currency Bill. SPEECH OF HON. WILLIAM A. RODENBERG, OF ILLINOIS, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Tuesday, May 26, 1908, On the bill (H. R. 21871) to amend the national banking laws. Mr. RODENBERG said: Mr. SPEAKER: In one of the greatest of Shakespeare's great dramas we find these words of Iago to Roderigo: Put Put money in thy purse; follow these wars; defeat thy favor with an usurped beard; I say put money in thy purse. * money in thy purse. These Moors are changeable in their wills-fill thy purse with money." While there is nothing whatever to admire in the character of Iago, who, if living to-day, would, by unanimous consent and without roll call, be classified as an "undesirable citizen," yet it would seem that the most conspicuous exponent of latterday Democracy, the peerless one, William Jennings Bryan, had adopted Iago's advice in toto and made it the guiding star of his political life. Twelve years ago poor and penniless, possessing a modest equity in a modest home, endowed only with a matchless voice and a magnetic personality, he has continued to put money in his purse, until to-day his wealth, it is said, approximates $1,000,000. Predatory wealth is still denounced, and soulless corporations are still excoriated by the great commoner, but while the denunciation and excoriation are going on the shekels continue to flow into the coffers of William Jennings Bryan. But "these Moors are changeable in their wills." Now and now only is the accepted time. No opportunity must be lost, no advantage overlooked. Dives must feast and Lazarus can look out for himself. As proof of this absorbing lust for gold, this overmastering desire for the accumulation of great riches which has taken complete possession of the "tribune of the common people," I insert herewith in the RECORD an article written by Mr. George R. Craw and published in the Chicago Tribune of May 17, 1908, and which explains why Mr. Bryan manifests such intense eagerness for the Democratic nomination for the Presidency, although confronted with sure and certain defeat at the polls in November: ORGANIZATION MEANS A FORTUNE. BRYAN A GAINER EVEN IF BEATEN-NEBRASKAN ABLE TO PAY HIGH PRICH FOR NOMINATION AND PROFIT COMMONER $280,000 A YEAR IS AIM? ОБ "LOYAL" INTO "MILLION " ARMY AT 60 CENTS William Jennings Bryan could afford to pay $150,000 or more for the Democratic nomination to the Presidency, even if he knew positively that he would be defeated. If nominated, Mr. Bryan, I believe, expects the circulation of his weekly magazine, the Commoner, to go to the 1,000,000 subscribers. This would yield him a net personal profit of $280,000 per year. Like other shrewd political captains of his party, does he believe that if nominated he will be defeated, but wishes the nomination as an advertisement for his own private ventures, notwithstanding the fact that the Democratic party might stand a good chance of electing Johnson, if nominated? is a question often asked. Certainly Mr. Bryan's experiences have not been such as to encourage in him the belief that defeat is impossible. Like the alert man he is, he is profiting by his experiences of the past, for Bryan knows the financial value of the Presidential nomination. It has enabled him to make an income of $60,000 a year, exclusive of placing him in the same class with plutocratic life insurance and railroad presidents. However, the tidy sum of $60,000 per year is only the beginning toward the colossal amount Mr. Bryan must expect to make out of the Commoner, through using the Democratic Presidential nomination to lure over half a million dollars into his coffers before November 6, 1908. $280,000 A YEAR IS POSSIBLE. If Mr. Bryan's fond hopes, as expressed in circulars now being mailed to advertisers by the Commoner office, are realized, his net profit, derived from the Commoner alone during the year 1908 will be at the annual rate of $280,000. It is just possible that this may have something to do with the irrepressible zeal with which he is seeking a nomination to the Presidency, for it is a fact that whether elected or defeated he will be vastly the gainer financially through having had the nomination. Under these circumstances, perhaps, the recent developments in New York State and elsewhere, which make his election practically an impossibility, do not dismay him. After reading his interview with newspaper men in New York regarding his income, published in the Chicago Tribune on April 21, 1908, and dated April 20, 1908, one may question his sincerity and his motives, particularly in view of the results of an investigation made by me. On April 21, 1908, I called at the Chicago office of the Commoner, in suite 711, at 185 Dearborn street. The office is in charge of Mr. J. P. Limeburner, the direct and authorized representative of William Jennings Bryan, the editor and proprietor. I asked for information regarding the Commoner's advertising rates, its present and past circulation, and the prospects for an increase should Mr. Bryan be nominated. I found the office banking largely on a tremendous circulation as the result of Bryan's possible nomination. COMMONER'S POWER DECLARED. On April 23, 1908, I received a letter from the Commoner office, together with the "million-circulation circular," to which the letter refers. The letter was as follows: "Mr. GEO. R. CRAW, "4014 Grand boulevard, Chicago, M. "DEAR SIR: Complying with your request of this morning, we are inclosing you herewith matter to show the Commoner is one of the best mail-order papers in the country. Inclose you our million-circulation circular. Mr. Bryan seems to be very optimistic regarding reaching that point before the year is over, and the stack of letters I saw coming in to the Lincoln office on my last visit there a short while ago indicate it will reach the mark. There is not a better medium to-day, pro rata cost, to carry your business in than the Commoner. It is one of the papers not affected by the new post-office ruling. "I believe, however, it is not necessary to explain any further to you regarding the matter, as you fully understand conditions that will make the Commoner a potent force this year for advertisers. It will be a good stroke of policy for you to get in, and get in at once, or else in a short time you will be up against higher rates. "Hoping we may convince you it will be a good thing for you to use the Commoner, we remain, J. P. LIMEBURNER, "Per B. L." 64 Yours, very truly, Without knowing what it costs Mr. Bryan to publish and mail his him, with what he receives in subscriptions, it would be impossible paper and a knowledge of the amount of advertising published by to arrive at the net income paid him by the Commoner each year, but to a man versed in the "ins and outs" of the publishing and advertis inusiness, the obtaining of the information is comparatively easy. Taking a number of copies of the Commoner of different dates, I asked the Western Newspaper Union, 65-67-69-71 Plymouth place, for a quotation on a twenty-page magazine, the same as the Commoner, and the next day I received a letter embodying the quotations, as follows: "Mr. GEORGE R. CRAW, "4014 Grand boulevard, Chicago, Ill. copies of a twenty-page magazine, size 11 by 13 inches, on the same "DEAR SIR: We take pleasure in quoting you on printing 150,000 paper used by Bryan's Commoner, the net sum of $1,470. If you use regular No. 1 print, price will be $60 less. The price quoted above includes all of the composition, electrotyp ing, presswork, binding, and mailing complete, you, of course, to furnish us with a proper mail list. Should be very pleased to do the work for you, and can guarantee prompt and satisfactory service. "WESTERN NEWSPAPER UNION, "R. G. GALUSHA." HOW PROFIT PILES UP. In the history of this Government never has the Congress of I can confidently state that Mr. Bryan is publishing the Commoner the people been called together at a time when there was a at a cost of less than $1,102.50 each issue, or $57,330 per year. It greater need for immediate legislative action to stop a panic of costs him $10,150 per year for postage. Thus the total cost per year of publishing and mailing the Commoner is $67,480. fear which had become world-wide by providing such remedial The above figure is so high that it will take care of the expense of legislation as would restore public confidence and safeguard the the Chicago office, the Lincoln plant, and the literary matter published country against the recurrence of a similar condition from in the Commoner, editorial and contributed. The nominal subscription price of the Commoner is $1 per year, but similar causes. Never in the history of this Government has from a study of its clubbing offers I find that a net receipt of over 60 Congress so flagrantly violated the trust and confidence of the cents per each subscription is maintained by Mr. Bryan, and when he people, proved itself more incompetent to rise to the occasion, says he has a circulation of 145,000 copies weekly, which he is willing to prove at any time by post-office receipts, I am willing to believe it. or displayed a more vulgar abuse of political power in refusing At 60 cents each net this yields Mr. Bryan a yearly revenue from absolutely to respond to the demands of the country and the subscribers alone of $87,000. Subtract from this the cost of publica- people. tion, which includes all expenses in connection with the publication of the Commoner, together with the postage, and there is left an annual During the five months of our session, we have passed the net profit for Mr. Bryan of $19,500. usual appropriation bills-nothing more. Willing to spend the people's money, but unwilling to help them earn it. In other words, it has taken 391 Congressmen and 92 Senators five months to do what any board of directors of the average bank or business corporation would have accomplished in a couple of weeks, and during these five months we have been willing, with an indifference characteristic of the true Wall street spirit, to permit over 2,000,000 working men to walk the streets Republican party has always said could not happen under a without work and enter the soup-house column, which the high protective tariff and a Republican Administration, and without any evidence of record that the House is willing or intends to even try to ameliorate this condition. But we are told that the panic is over and that we do not need any legislation now. The crisis is passed and the panic is over, it is true, but the business depression is still on and is likely to continue for some time. But of this I shall speak later. Add to this his yearly net receipts from advertising in the Commoner, which, according to figures given me in the Commoner office. approximate $40,000 in cash for the last "panicky year," and we find that Mr. Bryan's total net income is nearly $60,000 per year yielded by the Commoner alone. Besides this his lectures and magazine contributions bring him thousands additional each year. STORY OF EARNINGS INTERESTING. Under a million circulation the net profit of the Commoner to Mr. Bryan would be at the rate of over $280,000 per year. the above facts Mr. Bryan's statement of April 12, made to the press In the face of in New York City and published in the Chicago Tribune April 21, is interesting. He then said: "My income is derived mainly from my lecturing, with some addition from articles written for other publications and something from my own paper, but the amount has been greatly exaggerated. I make more speeches for nothing than for pay and devote more time to public work than to private gain. "My political prominence has been an advantage in that it has given me a larger reading eircle and a larger audience, but I could have used the prominence in other ways to greater pecuniary advantage. "For instance, I was offered $25,000 a year as counsel for a corporation, but it would have taken me out of the political field. By lecturing and writing I can make what I need in half the time and have the rest for public work." It might be said that the Nebraskan tries here to make it appear that his income is not as much as $25,000 per year. He says he can make what he "needs" in half the time that he would have to put in as counsel for a corporation and have the rest for public work. According to my figures and his statement, what he "needs" must come to about $60,000, and this amount does come from the Commoner alone. The time put in for public work is an advertisement for those branches of his endeavors which are getting the money. RECRUITS" PAY 60 CENTS EACH. That Mr. Bryan's hope of a million circulation for the Commoner before November, 1908, is not an idle one. I will state that a page in the Commoner of March 27, 1908, tells of "Working for the Commoner Million army.'" The members of that " army" pledge their assistance no money mentioned to the Democratic party and contribute 60 cents in cash to Mr. Bryan's pocket, receiving in return a subscription to the Commoner for less than a year. And how the Democracy is "biting," as evidenced by the names of hundreds of subscription army workers, who send in from two to fifty new subscriptions, accompanied by the cash, at 60 cents per head. 66 When a man is shrewd enough to inject respectively religion or politics into a money-making proposition he is sure to get the money. Government Guaranty of Bank Deposits. SPEECH OF HON. JOHN G. MCHENRY, OF PENNSYLVANIA, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Thursday, May 14, 1908, On the bill (H. R. 21871) to amend the national banking laws. Mr. MCHENRY said: Mr. SPEAKER: Congress has now been in session for a period of six months, with but a few days remaining until it is proposed to adjourn the session. When we came here in December to take up our duties, we found the country in a combined state of industrial, commercial, and financial panic of a character and intensity such as we had never before experienced. In the midst of unprecedented prosperity, with our factories, mills, and mines working overtime, plenty of work for every man who wanted work and at fair wages, our farms yielding the largest crops in the history of American farming and selling at prices above the past ten years' average, the financial crisis came to our country and people as an electric shock, paralyzing the wheels of commerce and of all industrial activity, affecting the personal interests of every man, woman, and child in America; bringing want and suffering and hunger to many by depriving them of their only asset and income, their right and opportunity to work, trict and a great State. In Pennsylvania alone there are to-day Mr. Speaker, I am here as a Representative of a great disover a quarter of a million of people out of employment. It is because of this condition and the seeming tendency of Congress to ignore its duties to the plain people that I find sufficient justification as a member of the Banking and Currency Committee to address the House upon the question of financial legislation. FEDERAL GUARANTY OF BANK DEPOSITS. It has become apparent-in this I hope I may be mistakenthat it is the determination of the dominant party to place no adequate currency legislation on the statute books at this session. All legislation with reference to this subject has resolved itself into a question of party policy; the needs of the country or the people have become matters of secondary consideration. Better that the country should suffer than the Republican party should suffer; better that workingmen be out of a job than Congressmen; better to continue the policy of postponement, defer action, and promises by commission, which have so successfully fooled the people during the past years, rather than risk the enactment of laws that might displease the Wall street and banking interests of the country. So it is needless to discuss emergency currency or any other form of currency legislation at this time, but I want to call the attention of the House and country to one thing that can still be accomplished at this session and which will go a long way toward safeguarding the country against the recurrence of a money panic through which we have just passed, and for the brief time allotted me I will confine my remarks to the subject of "the cause and the remedy." THE CAUSE. As to the underlying causes of this panic there is considerable disagreement, but after six months of study, discussion, and hearings, your committee is unanimously agreed upon two fundamental truths: That the cause of this panic is primarily due to a loss of public confidence, and its remedy, therefore, must lie in such measure or measures as shall tend toward a restoration of public confidence. As to the cause, there are those who think that a panic must come every few years about the same as a pestilence used to come in biblical times, and that panics will come at stated intervals, regardless of any law or condition. There are others who declare that we have had too much prosperity; that we have all been spending too much money; living too high. Others think that it has been brought about by dishonest corporate management, while others believe that it is a Wall street attack upon the Administration; others believe that it is a shortage of money, while others think we have had not only too much of the "big stick," but too much of the brass-band method of swinging it. While I do not believe that any one of these reasons is directly or wholly responsible for the recent panic, yet it is no doubt true that each cause has indirectly contributed its portion in the making up of this general state of public fear, and if I were called upon to define the actual cause of the recent panic I would define it in two words |