'Scots wha hae wi' Wallace bled.'

But the band, being wholly formed of negroes, were no doubt unconscious of the import of the song attached to this air, as they are not permitted by law to be taught to read, and, therefore, were probably unacquainted with the stirring lines of that noble appeal

6 Who would be a traitor knave?

Who would fill a coward's grave?

Who so base as be a slave?'

For the musicians were themselves slaves; and the sound of their music was to warn their fellow-slaves to hasten from wherever they might be to the dwellings of their masters." (Vol. i., pp. 568, 569).

The following extracts from Mr. Buckingham's work show the practice of the press :

"Among all these publications, whether quarterly, monthly, weekly, or daily, there is not one that ventures to speak of slavery as an institution to be condemned, or even regretted. They are all either indulgent towards, or openly advocates of, this state of bondage; and the higher the rank or character of the publication, the more boldly it speaks out on this subject, and the more popular it becomes, in the south, by so speaking. A few examples of this from one of the ablest of the works referred to, the Southern Literary Journal, may be offered in confirmation of this view:

"In the first volume, for 1835 (p. 127), an extract of a letter is given from an anti-abolitionist in the north, in which he says, 'I believe that facts will warrant the assertion, that the condition of the slave population, in the aggregate, is better than that of the free black, who assumes all the cares and responsibilities of self-support.' And, after denouncing as the greatest of evils all attempts to promote the abolition of slavery, he thus describes its inevitable consequences, if accomplished: "Your fair land, which now supports a numerous and happy population (it is thus he speaks of the slaves), would become the wretched abode of the desperate and the depraved.' And then he exclaims, What Christian, what philanthropist, would aid in such a work? Every step the abolitionist would take to dissolve abruptly the relations of master and slave, would be evil in its progress and evil in its results. Is any man called upon, on Christian principles, to be a minister of evil? Surely no!' Puerile as such a method of arguing this question must appear to most persons-first, prophecying consequences; then, assuming qualities; and, lastly, begging the whole question-yet the editor of the Southern Journal says of this communication, These views reflect credit both upon the head and the heart of the writer-are philanthropic, Christian, and politic. It is thus that compliments and eulogies are exchanged between those who uphold this system; and who, if the weakest and most superficial remarks in favour of slavery were to be put forth in any shape, and from any quarter, would praise them in the loftiest terms."

The concluding passage, however, of the editor's remarks on

this communication exhibits an attachment to slavery which no purchase-money, in the shape of compensation, could lessen; for in reference to the supposed willingness of the north to give an equivalent to the planters of the south for the purchase of their negroes' freedom, as was done by the British towards the proprietors of slaves in our West India islands, he says—

"On the subject of an equivalent, however, to be offered by the citizens of the north for our slaves, we undertake to say that South Carolina, at least, would not, for all the wealth that is garnered up in the coffers of the New England States, become a party to a bargain so ruinous and degrading. The citizens of the south stand upon their rights! They are able to protect their domestic institutions (this is the mild phrase under which slavery is usually described in the southern writings) by the shield of the constitution, and could easily show, if they would condescend to do it, that slavery has been, not only theoretically, but practically recognised as lawful, in every country, under every government, and by every religion. Under these circumstances, they would scorn to barter away their dearest rights for money. There is no equivalent that can be offered them which they would think it their duty to accept."

So great is the hatred of abolition entertained by the southerners, that they will not send their children to be educated in the north, lest they should become imbued with liberal principles. This is frequently and openly avowed and advised in the south.*

Before entering into the details of the slave system, we will dispose of two objections against English interference commonly made by the friends of American slavery. The first is, that England originally introduced slavery into America; the second, that we ought to reform our own tyrannical abuses before even remarking upon those of our neighbours. As to the first objection, we conceive that the very fact that England introduced slavery into America, renders it her imperative duty, by every lawful means in her power, to induce America to abandon this unnatural iniquity. The language held and the arguments used upon this subject resemble greatly those of Harold the Dauntless, when he upbraids his parent, saying—

I

"Part hence-and with my crimes no more upbraid me!

am that Waster's son-I am but what he made me." (Vol.ix., 17, 18). And the answer given to Harold will equally apply to the pre

sent case

"Yes! all these things he did he did-but he REPENTED."

* Vide vol. i. 444.

With regard to the second objection, if any false prejudice be more hateful than another, it is the partiality for national faults. We entertain no such predilection-we cherish no such sympathy-we wish to put away from us the unclean thing, whereever and however it be discovered. At the same time, we think that great good does arise from considering the faults of other nations or classes, and endeavouring to remedy them. For, in the first place, we perceive these faults without being swayed by the prejudices of those accustomed to them, and, consequently, are enabled to give them wholesome advice. In the second place, we learn to draw general conclusions in cases where we are disinterested, and apply them in the end to our own circumstances; and, thirdly, every sin diminished, every wrong redressed, every pang saved, every blessing conferred, is so much added to the catalogue of virtue-so much accumulated to the stock of happiness: and each in its own sphere promotes the advance of mankind towards that period when "the earth shall be filled with the knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea." We cannot forbear citing the following eloquent passage, relating to this subject, from Mr. Buckingham's work:

"How much more would the true freedom and happiness of the human race be advanced, if, instead of clinging to abuses because they are practised by our own country, and denouncing evils because they belong to some other, we followed the more Catholic practice of calling evil evil, and good good, wherever either existed; thus placing the inquisition of Spain, the bow-string of Constantinople, the knout of Russia, the conscription of France, the impressment of England-the white slavery of the factory, and the black slavery of the field-all on the same footing; condemning all, because oppressive, and seeking to remove all as obstacles to the happiness of the great human family, without stopping to enquire by what nation they are practised, for the sake of palliation if by one, or for severer censure if by another." (Vol. i., pp. 215, 216).

Let us then proceed to consider the practical questions connected with American slavery. First, the condition of the slaves themselves; secondly, the effect of slavery upon the free; thirdly, the practicability of abolition; fourthly, the duties of the AngloAmerican Church with respect to all these points.

I. There are some persons who affect an inability to distinguish between slavery and poverty, declaring that the English peasant is as much a slave as the American negro, inasmuch as he is compelled to work, and unable practically to act according to his own will. This plausible fallacy, however, cannot deceive those who examine the question impartially and philosophically; for there is an essential difference between the slave and the free

man, whatever accidental similarity may be discovered in individual cases.

The essential characteristic of slavery-that which distinguishes it from freedom-that which primarily constitutes it a violation of natural law, is, that man should have property in man. To man, being created in the image of God, is given the dominion of all earthly things, animate and inanimate the right of reducing them to subjection, of making use of them, of acquiring property in them. Man is the possessor: minerals, vegetables, and animals are his lawful possession. Slavery confounds these grades of existence by introducing a new and unnatural relation-that of master and slave, which is in itself sacrilege-a desecration of the image of God.

There may be laws protecting slaves from ill-treatment, but such laws do not affect the fact of their being slaves, any more than laws against cruelty to animals raise them above the level of the brute creation. A slave has been defined by Aristotle to be "a living instrument." He is considered in America in the light of a superior kind of brute beast: take, for instance, the following extract from the speech of Mr. Gholson in the legislature of Virginia, Jan. 18, 1831:

"It has always (perhaps erroneously) been considered, by steady and old-fashioned people, that the owner of land had a reasonable right to its annual profits; the owner of orchards to their annual fruits; the owner of brood mares to their product; and THE OWNER OF FEMALE SLAVES TO THEIR INCREASE. We have not the fine-spun intelligence nor legal acumen to discover the technical distinctions drawn by gentlemen [i. e., the distinction between FEMALE SLAVES and brood mares]. The legal maxim of Partus sequitur ventrens' is coeval with the existence of the RIGHT of PROPERTY itself, and is founded in wisdom and JUSTICE. It is on the wisdom and inviolability of this maxim that the master foregoes the service of the female slave, has her nursed and attended during the period of her gestation, and raises the helpless infant offspring. THE VALUE OF THE PROPERTY JUSTIFIES THE EXPENSE," &c.*

The following passage puts in a strong light the actual superiority of the English peasant :

"It is constantly alleged here that the condition of the field-slaves, though confessedly inferior to that of the domestic attendants, is not worse than that of the labouring population of England; but though this is much worse than it ought to be, it is still greatly above the condition of the slave, even in a physical point of view; while in a moral

« Siavery and the Internal Slave Trade of the United States," p. 15.

and intellectual one, the superiority is still more marked. The slave can never be instructed: the law forbids his being taught to read or write, under the severest penalties. He cannot, therefore, ever receive much of moral or intellectual culture, neither can he hope in any way to rise from his present dependent condition; but an English peasant, manufacturer, or artisan, may be taught anything he has a disposition to learn, and may rise to independence, at least, if not to opulence; while the hope of better days never abandons him, but sheds a ray of light on his path and comfort around his heart, which the very condition of a slave renders it impossible that he should ever experience." (Vol. i., p. 134).

The evils incident to the condition of the American slaves, both those which arise from slavery itself, and those which arise from the internal slave trade, are of two classes-physical and moral. And the evils which they suffer, both physical and moral, are many and great; so many and so great, that those unac quainted with the real state of the case are apt to fancy them exaggerated; yet there is abundant proof of the existence of these evils-proof which is indeed denied, but which is believed by the slave-holders and their associates. It has been observed that "facts are stubborn things;" and it is worse than useless to dispute about the possibility of things which actually exist. "Is it not improbable (says the anti-abolitionist) that men should act as you describe? Is it not impossible that men should act thus against their own interest?" To this we answer, that, whether or no these things be improbable or impossible, THEY ARE TRUE. Read the accounts of persons of the most opposite sentiments-Captain Marryatt, Mrs. Trollope, Mr. Buckingham, Miss Martineau. Read that able treatise entitled "Slavery and the Internal Slave Trade of the United States;" it is written, we know, by partisans, but still the facts are taken from undeniable authority. The investigation is a painful one, and we shall consequently abridge it as much as possible, merely observing that we are sparing in our extracts, not because the facts are either rare or doubtful, but from an unwillingness to crowd our pages with statements which exemplify the horrible corruption of human nature, and blacken with eternal infamy the character and the very name of our Transatlantic brethren.

Amongst the physical sufferings of the slaves are overwork, hunger, want of sleep, insufficient clothing, inadequate shelter, neglect during sickness or feebleness, and from corporal inflic tions.

In considering these points, however, we must bear in mind that there is a great difference in the treatment of domestic and field slaves, and that there are some humane masters, even of