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a sense of responsibility, which we all have, which every citizen has, which is the greatest of all in countries, like your country and my country, where the power rests in the hands of the individual voter, to bring home to him his responsibility in putting an end to the oldest of all the evils that afflict humanity. The older an evil is, the more ingrained it is in human nature, the more difficult it is to root it out. We must be content if we can make some progress. I believe we have made some progress and are making more. It is something, that so long a period should have elapsed without any great European war; and I think we all may agree that whether or not the spirit of Christianity is any stronger than it has been, this at least is true, that the spirit of Christianity was never so much directed as it is to-day toward removing the actual evils which afflict the world. (Applause.) Congresses like this may surely do much to strengthen that beneficent influence, and may do much to summon the nations of the earth to listen to the voice that pleads for Peace. (Applause.)


LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: I am requested to announce that our two ambassadors, Sir Robert Cranston, Lord Provost of Edinburgh, and his companion, Ambassador Creel, are just taking their departure to enlighten the corresponding banquet at the Waldorf; we expect to receive two ambassadors back from them in the course of a few minutes.

Ladies and gentlemen, there usually exists in every country, perhaps not all at the same time, but every country has had one or more, such characters as I am to describe. Britain had hers in Mr. Gladstone, who won and justly bore the character of "The Grand Old Man." (Applause.) We have one in this Republic, known from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and from the borders of Canada to the borders of Mexico.

There is only one, and there never can be more than one at one time, and I have the pleasure to-night of presenting to you "The Grand Old Man" of our Republic. (Great applause.)


LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: The old man has lived long enough to know how to hold his tongue upon occasions. (Ap

plause.) So I do not propose at present to say one word about Peace. I am going to say one word about Justice. (Applause.) Give us Justice and Peace will follow. (Applause.) When you meet in a train as you are going home a lady who tells you that her great-grandfather fought at Bunker Hill, thank her for her great-grandfather and thank her that he fought there (applause), but tell her that you have not been here to talk Peace, but to talk Justice. (Applause.) In the year 1789 the first Peace Society in the world was formed. The name of it was, and still is, the United States of America. (Applause and cries of "Good!") The United States of America has the honor of showing to the world that thirteen nations can live together in Peace. The way the United States of America taught that was by establishing a Supreme Court, a common tribunal, to decide all questions which existed between the States. A task like that is before us now. They had to reconcile thirteen different colonies, sovereign and independent, of different religions, of different languages and of different origin. But the United States of America did that thing. I am speaking to people from Missouri and from Iowa who do not know that a generation ago the armies of these two States were ready to fight against each other. Why didn't they fight each other? Because the Supreme Court of the United States decided the question between them. They never sent a Sheriff there; they never sent a Marshal there, but the great nations of Missouri and Iowa are at Peace and they have been at Peace, because there was a supreme tribunal. It was two years before the Supreme Court of the United States had a question come before it between man and man, or between State and State. Once in a quarter the Supreme Court met, made a memorandum that it had met, appointed a few court officers and adjourned. Its work was in the circuit of the different States.

Now our friends say to us, what has the Hague Tribunal done? The gentlemen of the press compliment us who are here. They call us rabid. "What," they say, "have the rabid done?" Well, the supreme tribunal established there has only settled five or six questions of difference. Isn't that worth talking about? Isn't that worth comparing with a good baseball column? Isn't that worth comparing with an accident on the railroad in which three hundred people are killed? "Oh, we

can't waste any time on the Hague Tribunal. It is on the shelf; what next?" (Laughter.)

I was talking within a month with a gentleman of the highest authority in recent history, and he said to me: "The Republic doesn't care, and the Republic doesn't know; but when the trawling incident took place and when some Russian vessels fired upon some English fishermen, there was no war." Why was there no war? Because that forgotten Hague Tribunal had laid down the relations which existed between the governments. Because that forgotten tribunal had made the arrangements by which the courts of England and Russia could provide for an examination into that question. Because the Russian fleet was stopped at Gibraltar until that investigation could be continued. Because of that, this man of authority, this man who knew what he was talking about, said to me there was no war between Russia and England. Really, as we go home to-night, as we meet these people in the cars who say we are "rabid," I think we might suggest to them that it is something, that we have brought about justice in half a dozen cases where justice would not have been known. (Applause.)

Believe me, ladies and gentlemen, it is the last word I will say to you. Peace follows Justice. (Applause.) Peace follows Justice, and that is what we are here for. (Great applause.)


MR. CHAIRMAN, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: The Baron d'Estournelles de Constant, after making a most important and interesting announcement at the parallel dinner going on at the Waldorf-Astoria, has presented himself here, with a message from the French Republic, which he will now, with your permission, deliver.


LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: You will excuse me for arriving late, but I find a difficulty in not being accustomed yet to having two dinners the same evening (laughter), and still less to making two speeches after these two dinners. But I am very happy and very proud of having this opportunity to speak on the last

evening of the Congress. I can tell you that I shall go back to my country full of faith, full of certainty for the future. After I arrived here to-night I witnessed the sight of a most respected and great old man speaking like a young man. (Applause.) Knowing him as we all do, but also from what my friend, Mr. Carnegie has said, I think you will allow me to say, as a foreigner who came here yesterday and who will be gone to-morrow, that it was a fine sight to see in your great country an old man speaking like a young man, speaking of the future. I thought yesterday I had seen all that I could enjoy when I had seen your American children full of confidence of Peace, but I see now better still; I see there is no difference here between generations; I see that the old people are not against the young people; I see that you all agree in aiming at this admirable idea, the substitution of arbitration and justice for the horrors of war. (Great applause, during the course of which Dr. Hale bowed to Baron d'Estournelles.)

I trust you will excuse me, ladies and gentlemen, for speaking thus, but we are amongst friends and we may say what we feel. (Applause and cries of "Hear! Hear!") And chiefly when what we feel now is so good and so encouraging, and for a European, for a Frenchman, so necessary.

When I return to Europe I shall find skeptics laughing as they always do when one speaks of a new idea, but I shall not mind; I shall tell them: "You may laugh, you old people (laughter), but you do not live in America. They act their belief and you will be obliged to follow them." (Great ap


It is not a mere phrase, it is a fact. They will follow you. It is not the first time. They know the way now. (Laughter.) Five or six years ago, I know it well and many of my friends can tell you, five or six years ago you could not have given such a double dinner. We could not have spoken of our faith and of our certainty as we do to-night, because very few people would believe in the future of arbitration. We were all laughing at the Hague Court. We said it was an ideal, a dream, and in fact that dream had no existence. No one would present a case for the new court to judge. It was America who gave the first case to the Hague Court. That is to say, it was America which

gave existence to the Hague Court. (Applause.) But that was not enough, and that is what I want to speak about to-night. I know the matter very well, because I belonged to the first Hague Conference. I was there with my American colleagues and we have not forgotten. The poor Hague Court was existing on paper, but had no ground, no house or home. Then a man came and you may well be proud that that man was an American, too. He said, “It is really too bad to see such a great institution with such a great future without a home. Perhaps if I give it a home it will receive more consideration from the governments." So Mr. Andrew Carnegie came and upon his own initiative gave that home, that palace, the first institution for international arbitration. (Great applause.) He gave it, and it was a very important act. Yet it was very little compared to the great example, I do not say to the lesson, to the great example he gave, an example which has been striking enough to decide the governments to follow the American way. (Applause.)

And now the Court of The Hague exists, and we can be pretty sure that in a few years we will see the Hague Court established as your great Supreme Court of the United States is, and that Court, which has been for three or four years quite empty, will be so full of cases that it will almost require two courts instead of one. This is due to your initiative (the speaker turning to Mr. Carnegie), and this has been the example given to the governments of the world. The governments are not ungrateful. They understand now what has been done, and in France especially they appreciate it. They have not forgotten the principles of the French Revolution. Our great Revolution considered that it is not enough for a man to be a good citizen of his own country, he must try to be a good citizen of all the world. (Great applause and cries of "Hear! Hear!") And because we found in France that the act of Mr. Andrew Carnegie was a faithful application of our most beloved and respected principle, the government of France, the Republic, wanted to send a public testimonial of its esteem and gratitude to the man who has furnished such a good example and built the Palace of Peace. (Great applause.)

Mr. Carnegie, let me say, my dear friend (turning to Mr. Carnegie), that I am very happy to be the bearer of the good You are now to be in the rank of a Commander of the


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