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of Peace and war depend. Now, gentlemen, it is the realization of this truth, that a little more enthusiasm and a little more faith, just five per cent. or eight per cent., will make a new illumination which will suddenly bring upon us the brightness of Universal Peace, which makes this Congress and the influence that radiates from it, a matter of prime importance. We have to deal not with governments, but with peoples of the world, and if we can increase their enthusiasm for the sacred cause of Peace, by so little as the difference between twenty-five and twenty-seven, by which my car went from darkness into light, then this Congress cannot fail to mark a very great influence for good on the peoples of the world. (Great applause.) I am afraid that I have worked that out very badly, ladies and gentlemen, but let us remember that it is in the power of every single individual, no matter to what country he may belong, to add to that store of energy on which our illumination depends, and that there will come a moment when the addition of one solitary unit will be sufficient to convert our darkness into light. (Applause and cries of "Hear! Hear!")

Now, ladies and gentlemen, I once asked an American lady, whose son had made an unfortunate marriage, whether she had quarreled with her daughter-in-law. (Laughter.) And I have never forgotten her reply. "My dear young friend," she said, "have you not yet learned that it is only uneducated people who quarrel"? (Laughter.) Now, ladies and gentlemen, I understand it has been the object of this Congress to educate the peoples of the world up to the level of this American lady's understanding. (Laughter.)

Now, in fair and growing Canada, in whose delightful Dominion it is my privilege to live (applause), the people have already, through the action of their parliamentary representatives, shown that they, like the American lady to whom I have referred, have realized that it is only barbarous and uneducated people who prefer the quarrel of the sword to the peaceful methods of arbitration as a means of settling international disputes. (Applause.)

The people of Canada have recently enacted a law which has made it an offence for the forces of capital and labor to resort either to a lockout or a strike without first having a preliminary investigation into the subject of dispute. (Applause.)

And I am very glad to be able to inform you that although that act came into force only on March 22nd, and is therefore not yet a month old, already, on three separate occasions, has an industrial war, which, but for that act, would have engendered feelings of angry bitterness, would have arrested the peaceful development of the arts of industry, and would have left a train of starvation and suffering in the homes of thousands, that such an industrial war has on three separate occasions been averted. (Applause.)

And I have word to-night, through a telegram I have received, since I came into this room, that in British Columbia a formidable strike which had already been voted upon by twenty-seven hundred miners, who represented five collieries, and whose output affected industries employing five thousand additional workers, all of whom would by the strike have been put out of employment also, that these men had received instructions to go back to their work, because they had struck in ignorance of the law that had been passed which had required them to suspend any decision as to whether they should go out on strike until the subject of their dispute with their employers had received the investigation of a board of conciliation and investigation. (Applause.) Now, I say, why should not we apply to international disputes the principle of this Canadian Act which forbids men to draw the sword until after a roundtable conference has taken place? (Applause and cries of "Hear! Hear!") I would respectfully suggest, Mr. Carnegie, that the nations might adopt, as an international principle, the principle which Canada, to her great advantage, has adopted as an internal regulation. (Applause and cries of "Hear! Hear!")

I am aware that it is useless to enact a law unless a penalty is enforced upon those by whom such a law is wantonly disregarded. Well, a penalty has been suggested, which is within the power of the various legislatures of the civilized world, either singly or collectively, to propose. It is within the power of every legislature that wishes to promote Peace, to enact that it shall be illegal for their subjects to furnish a war loan to any nation that begins hostilities without first coming to the round table of the Hague Tribunal in accordance with the recommendations of Article VIII of the Hague Convention. (Applause.) Why should not the legislatures pronounce a

financial boycott against the nation which draws the sword before submitting its grievance in view of all the world, to the independent and impartial searchlight of the Hague Tribunal? (Applause.) This would appear to be a first step, which is well within the reach of every legislature, and one which, once adopted, would lead, by gradual and sure results, to the realization, Mr. Carnegie, of all the hopes which you and your friends so fondly entertain. (Applause and cries of "Hear! Hear!")

I should like, with your permission, ladies and gentlemen, to tell you the author, so far as I know, of this suggestion of using the financial boycott as a means of averting war. After the death of Mr. Cecil Rhodes, a most interesting document was found among his papers. This document was written in the year 1875, when he was a lad of twenty-two. It was written when he was trekking on the boundless plateau of South Africa and sleeping under the stars; inspired by his surroundings he penned in schoolboy handwriting his confession of faith, and his wishes as to the way in which he desired that the money he might leave behind him after his death should be employed. After pointing out in this remarkable confession that happiness was to be found, not in self-indulgence, but in the conscious pursuit of a noble purpose, he gave expression to his regret that the United States and the United Kingdom had ever parted political company; and the reason that he gave for his regret was this: that had they remained united it would have been in their power, by a single act by the refusal of supplies to have prevented the RussoTurkish war, which was then going on. (Applause.) And he concluded in this document with a bequest, of all the money of which he might die possessed, to a friend for the formation of a society which should use its efforts for the reunion of the United States and the United Kingdom in the interest of Universal Peace. (Applause.)

Now, ladies and gentlemen, the Oxford scholarships which Mr. Rhodes, by his will, presented to everyone of your States, are a standing expression of his desire to bring the peoples of the English-speaking world into closer and more intimate relations, and of his belief that if the two great powers, the American Republic and the British Crown, were united in a defensive policy of Peace, as well as they are in religion, traditions, language and

inspiration, that important advances toward the civilization and Peace of the world would be secured. (Applause.)

Now, if I am not taking up too much time, I should like to say that a short time ago Canada was honored by a visit from Mr. Root, and it was my privilege to attend a banquet given in his honor at Ottawa, and I shall never, so long as I retain my memory, forget the emotion which brought a lump to my throat and to that of everyone else present, when Mr. Root dwelt in earnest and impressive tones upon the great fact that the two nations, animated by the feeling of mutual respect and good-will, were pursuing the same ideals of liberty and justice side by side; and that along the whole length of the three thousand miles of frontier that divided us there was not one single sentinel to give expression to any more thought of fear of hostilities than if we had been one and the same people. (Applause.)

Mr. Root also reminded us that within a few years, eight years from now, we shall be able to celebrate the centennial anniversary of a hundred years of peaceful fellowship, a hundred years during which no part of the brains of industry and enterprise have been diverted from the building up of happy and peaceful homes, to be squandered in warlike attack by one people upon the other. Now, gentlemen, this is an allusion to the years 1812 and 1814, if you will excuse me, as Mr. Carnegie tells me I may speak about anything I like, though I represented to him that it might be very difficult, after all that has been said during the week, for me to add a single sentiment or thought for your consideration. I will make mention of one other experience, with reference to the year 1812, which comes to my mind. About this time last year I was taken down the waters of the stately Potomac on a government vessel; and when our vessel fronted the historic mansion of Mount Vernon, the vessel saluted, the flag was dipped, the company of soldiers on board presented arms, the bugle sounded, and as we stood with our heads bowed and bared, I should hardly have been surprisedI do not think any of us would have been surprised-if we had seen the coffin of the first President emerging from the door. But affected, as we all were by the scene, I was even more affected when I was informed that the first vessel to dip its flag in honor of George Washington was a British vessel in 1814, when the United Kingdom and the United States were unhappily at war.

(Applause.) Now, ladies and gentlemen, this feeling of respect, this loving admiration for all that is best in American character, which was felt by the British captain when his country was at war with the United States, beats as strongly in the bosoms of Canadians and Englishmen to-day, and more strongly after the lapse of a hundred years of Peace. (Applause.) The year of 1912 I hope will be celebrated on both sides of the frontier as a centennial of Peace, of a hundred years of peaceful fellowship. 1812 is a date which is sacred to the memory of all Canadians, for the spirit of the French Canadians and the Loyalists is as sacred to the Canadians as the memory of your Pilgrim Fathers. On that occasion they saved their country from a compulsory incorporation by force of arms in the body politic of the United States; and we stand to-day, both the Canadians and the people of the United States, based upon a most noble origin. Our high traditions almost compel us to be the foremost champions of freedom and of Christian duty. We both represent nations which have been founded on the basis of selfsacrifice. That the Puritan leaven which came from across the Atlantic with the Pilgrim Fathers will never cease to animate and inspire your people is the constant prayer of all who have at heart the well-being of humanity and Peace of the world. (Applause.) It is also to be hoped that the virtues which caused nearly 5,000 souls in 1784, following loftier and higher ideals than those of mere material success, to abandon their comfortable homes in the United States and march into the northern wilderness, with no other equipment except the Tables of the Ten Commandments, which they took with them from their church, Trinity Church at the head of Wall Street,-I trust that the same virtues which animated them may ever remain the inspiring and abiding characteristics of the Canadian people. We are two peoples founded on these origins of disinterested enthusiasm, which in their traditions, furnish a perfect example to stimulate us to lead stricter lives of high and noble endeavor. We owe a duty to our fathers that begot us to give an example of disinterestedness to the world, and the call that has been made to us to co-operate in the cause which aims at the substitution of arbitration for the sword in the settlement of international disputes is a call which I am confident will not be made in vain on whichever side of the frontier we may live; and I close

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