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with remarkable success; without delay he proceeded to convene the Angostura Congress which confirmed the powers vested in him by victory on the battle-fields. By means of a renowned strategic movement the Liberator invaded New Granada in 1819 with a well-disciplined army of veterans; crossed the Andes, and after sixty-five days of unprecedented marches through desert and inundated planes he scaled the snow-capped Eastern Andes ranges, and took by surprise General Barreiro, commanding the Spanish Thirds, whom he routed completely on the 7th of August, 1819. This battle of Boyaca gave independence to New Granada. After establishing its government, headed by General Santander, Bolivar returned to Angostura. The Congress that met in that city carried out the first part of the Liberator's dreams, for on the 17th of December, 1819, the Confederacy called Greater Colombia was constituted. It was composed of New Granada, Venezuela, and Ecuador. The Congress of Cucuta, which convened in 1821, formulated the Constitution for Greater Colombia.
Bolivar did not allow himself any rest. Very soon after the Angostura Congress he returned to New Granada, and in his capacity of President of Greater Colombia he achieved Ecuador's independence. Immediately after this he solicited permission from the Colombian Congress to liberate Peru. San Martin, Protector of Peru and Commander-in-Chief of the allied armies. of Chili and Argentina, resigned his powers in favor of Bolivar for the sake of the cause of South American independence. The last battle was fought at Ayacucho on the 9th of December, 1824. under the command of Sucre, one of Bolivar's distinguished lieutenants.
Two days before this final victory, Bolivar, as President of Colombia and Dictator of Peru, addressed to all governments of South America his world-famed circular of the 7th of December, 1824. In that circular he said:
"After fifteen years of sacrifices devoted to the independence of America struggling to establish the system of guarantees that are to be, both in Peace and in war, the shield of our new conquered destiny, it is time to consider that the mutual interests. and the relations binding together the American Republics— formerly Spanish colonies-must be placed on a fundamental basis so as to perpetuate the stability of their government.
"Mindful of these ideas, I invited, in 1822, as President of the Republic of Colombia, the Governments of Mexico, Peru, Chili, and Buenos Ayres to form a Confederacy, and to convoke, to meet at Panama or at any other place that a majority might select, an Assembly of Plenipotentiaries from every State to serve us as counsel in all great conflicts, as point of contact in all common dangers, as faith-interpreter of public treaties, when difficulties arise, and, finally, as conciliator of our differences."
The Liberator's conception assumed a still more definite shape in the instructions that he addressed, through Field-Marshal Sucre, to the Peruvian Delegates at the Panama Congress. The Liberator desired that "the Assembly should be permanent so as to answer these importants ends: Ist-To watch over the exact observance of treaties, and over the safety of the Federacy; 2nd-To mediate amicably between any of the allied States and foreign Powers, should any controversy arise; 3rd-To act as conciliator and even as arbitrator, if possible, between the allies, should they unfortunately have subject for antagonism tending to disrupt their relations."
At the Panama Congress were represented Colombia, Central America, Mexico, and Peru. I beg leave to quote from the treaty of alliance, signed by them on the 15th of July, 1826, the following articles:
"Article II. The contracting parties desiring more and more to strengthen and make closer their fraternal bonds and relations by means of frequent and friendly conferences, have agreed and do agree to meet every two years in time of Peace and every year during the present and future common wars, in a general assembly composed of two Ministers Plenipotentiary on the part of each party, who shall be only authorized by the necessary full powers.
"Article 13. The principal objects of the general assembly of Ministers Plenipotentiary of the confederated powers are:
"First. To negotiate and conclude between the Powers it represents all such treaties, conventions, and arrangements, as may place their reciprocal relations on a mutually agreeable and satisfactory footing.
"Second. To contribute to the maintenance of a friendly and unalterable Peace between the confederate powers, serving them as a counsel in times of great conflict, as a point of contact
in common dangers, as a faithful interpreter of the public treaties and conventions concluded by them in the said assembly, when any doubt arises as to their construction, and as a conciliator in their controversies and differences.
"Third. To endeavor to secure conciliation, or mediation in all questions which may arise between the allied Powers, or between any of them and one or more Powers foreign to the Confederation whenever threatened with rupture, or engaged in war because of grievances, serious injuries, or other complaints.
"Article 16. The contracting parties solemnly obligate and bind themselves to amicably compromise between themselves all differences now existing or which may arise in the future; in case no settlement can be reached between the disagreeing powers the question shall be taken for settlement to the judgment of the assembly, whose decision shall not be obligatory, however, unless said powers shall have expressly agreed that it shall be.
"Article 17. Whatever complaints for injuries, serious damage, or other grounds there be that one of the contracting parties can bring against another or others, neither of them shall declare war nor order acts of reprisal against the Republic believed to be the offender, without first submitting its case, supported by the necessary documents and proofs, with a detailed relation of the acts complained of to conciliatory decision of the general assembly.
"Article 18. In case any one of the confederated Powers deem it advisable to declare war or commence hostilities against any Power foreign to this Confederation, it shall first solicit the good offices, interposition, and mediation of its allies, and these are bound to employ them in the most efficacious manner possible. If the interposition be unavailing the Confederation shall declare whether or not it embraces the cause of the confederate; and even though it shall not embrace it, it shall not, under any pretext or reason, ally itself with the enemy of the confederate."
It is plain, therefore, that the Panama Congress proclaimed the true principles put forward by Bolivar. The treaties were not ratified by all the contracting parties; but they are an historical antecedent that this august Congress will no doubt insert in its right place as one of the links in the golden chain
which is now being forged in the workshops of justice and of Peace founded on justice.
Previous to 1826, in every treaty negotiated by Colombia with other American countries it is stipulated that the Panama Congress "shall not affect in any manner the exercise of the national sovereignty of the contracting parties in regard to their laws and the establishment and form of their respective governments."
There is no question, as Bolivar said, of affecting in any manner the exercise of the national sovereignty of the Powers in respect to their laws and the establishment and form of their respective governments. The ends aimed at are Peace by means of justice. The coveted goal is to convince all nations, large and small, to submit their acts to the impartial investigation of judges voluntarily appointed by themselves; to define the rights, obligations, and responsibilities of each of them; to establish a Union on common principles whose mere enunciation will be sufficient to exclude all thought of an appeal to force.
Those who may doubt the efficiency of the efforts of the pacific settlement or differences between nations need only to recall the skepticism with which the First Hague Conference was received. Nevertheless, a permanent International Court exists to-day as a result of that Conference.
The Conferences of American Republics which have taken place during the past fifteen years, first at Washington, then at the City of Mexico, and last year at Rio Janeiro, and the provision adopted at the Rio Conference for future periodical meetings of the organization will undoubtedly bring about a permanent Pan-American Union.
The aspiration of Bolivar will be at last realized. But even greater results are nearing realization. Through the initiation. and suggestion of the Interparliamentary Union the LatinAmerican nations are on the eve of assisting at a Conference of all the nations of the world. The Interparliamentary Union and the Association for International Conciliation are making plans to secure the periodic assembling of such a conference, at which all nations will assist.
A slight sketch of the ideas and acts of the Liberator of my people has been drawn before your eyes. The Republics of South America have generally followed Bolivar's teaching on
this subject. In not a few of the conflicts in which those nations have found themselves entangled have they appealed to arbitration for the purpose of settling disputes; and their fidelity to the convictions of the Founder have saved them from many evils. To-day, upon their assistance at the Second Hague Conference, when our countries will come definitely into the concert of the family of nations, they claim for themselves the glory of having been, through Bolivar, the initiators of an irresistible movement in favor of Universal Peace. Such is my people's message.
The Hon. James P. McCreary, United States Senator from Kentucky, would be here to speak upon "The United States Senate and the Arbitration Movement" but he is kept away by the illness of his wife, and has sent a telegram explaining his absence in these words: "I am in favor of general arbitration treaties among nations, and I shall use my best efforts in the United States Senate for this great achievement. I hope the Hague Court will be increased in power and permanence."
It was thought that Representative McCall of Massachusetts, might be here; but he, too, has been kept away. I have, however, the very great pleasure of presenting to you the Hon. George Gray, of Delaware, who, by reason of his distinguished service in the United States Senate and in the United States Court, and as arbitrator in matters of industrial controversy, is most welcome to this platform. (Applause.)
International Public Opinion
JUDGE GEORGE GRAY
MR. PRESIDENT, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: To adopt the stereotyped phrase of a modest man, this is a very unexpected call. I was not down upon the list of those who were to address this assembly and came here to listen and not to speak. I arrived in this city this afternoon because I could not keep away; somehow I felt I ought to be here, if only to breathe the atmosphere of enthusiasm and purpose and resolution which I feel is the atmosphere of this meeting; to draw inspiration from the intelligent faces of American men and women whom I see before