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the appointment of a committee of say fifteen members on permanent organization. I offer it simply because I find that after these conferences are over everything seems to die down until another one is called.
MR. PEABODY: The resolution is handed for the time being to the Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions.
The Chair has the pleasure of saying that before the discussion is closed we shall have the pleasure of listening to Mrs. Mead and Mrs. Spencer, as they speak on the resolutions. I also have pleasure in saying that Hon. William Jennings Bryan has consented to remain a few minutes to speak to us later in reference to one particular clause embodied in our resolutions which has great influence with the Interparliamentary Union. We will now listen to Rabbi Levy.
MR. CHAIRMAN, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: It is to me a source of great pleasure that I am privileged to raise my voice, however humble, in support of the resolutions which have been presented for adoption this morning. I shall not limit myself to any particular time, but I hope I shall be able to add a fitting word to this discussion. If I were to say all that I might say upon the subject, it would take me months, perhaps years; but I will try to give you an epitome of my feelings in a few minutes.
These resolutions are to be placed before you for adoption, and I have no doubt that they will receive your hearty assent, but I would like to suggest that a copy of these resolutions as adopted should be sent to the clergy of all denominations in the United States, to the various labor organizations, to the Boards of Education throughout the entire country. The necessity, as it appears to me, is to bring home to the conscience of the leaders of the world of thought the necessity of impressing the Peace sentiment upon the minds of the young and the absolute necessity of every man who preaches a gospel of religion, becoming an exponent of it by word, thought and deed. The preacher who undertakes to deliver to his congregation the message of God must be a man, when true to the Gospel, whether it be of the Old Testament or the New, who is willing to stand upon the ground marked by these resolutions this morning.
Whether I am crazy or whether I am civilized, I do not
know, but I do know that war is murder, and to me has come the command, "Thou shalt not commit murder."
of Rouge et Noir, this game of "Red and Black," the game of War, is red with human blood, black with bestial hate, and everyone who loves his race, everyone who reveres God, is pledged to the spirit of these resolutions, if not to the exact terms.
Ladies and gentlemen, the labor unions of this country must be appealed to; every man whose bread and butter depends upon Peace, is a man who will understand the potent argument of financial necessities; and the educators of the country, thro the boards of education, must begin to teach our little children that to use a pistol or a gun or fire a cannon, except in self-defense, is contradictory to the spirit of the great Prophets of Israel who gave us our sacred Holy Scriptures, and contrary to the spirit of the gentle Nazarene to whom the New Testament has been dedicated. (Applause.) In other words, ladies and gentlemen, we must force home the truth that it is altogether too customary for men to serve God with their lips and deny him with their lives. Whereunto serves the purpose of speaking of the Prince of Peace when the flags of the world borne on the battleships of the world, carry the very cross which is sacred to His memory? Whereunto serves this great Gospel of a religion of Peace when, in the name of that very religion war is continued throughout the world? If we are honest, if we are sincere, if we mean what we say in our churches week after week, these resolutions will find practical enforcement by the Hague Conference and the spirit of Peace will prevail.
I am reminded of the story of a little boy who received a quarter from a friend. He reported this fact to his mother when he came home, and she asked, "Did you say thank you to the gentleman?" And the boy answered nothing. Again said the mother, "Did you say thank you to the gentleman?" and again. the boy said nothing. Again said the mother, "Did you say thank you to the gentleman? If you don't answer me I will whip the life out of you." The little boy answered nothing. The mother laid him across her knee, turned him wrong side up, and applied her gentle hand to his tender flesh. Then she asked again, "Did you say thank you to the gentleman?" This time he answered: "Mother, I said thank you, but the gentleman said. 'Don't mention it.'"
Men tell us that we can never succeed, they tell us that this movement must fail; I say to you, ladies and gentlemen, that that argument has been addressed to every movement looking to the uplift of the human race. When Moses took his slaves out of Egypt, when he determined to build his people into a nation, they said to him, "It could not be," and yet the pyramids are breaking away and Israel still lives. When the Nazarene was placed upon the cross and from His lips came the expression, "Father forgive them, they know not what they do," they said to His followers, who were a handful, "The spirit can never prevail. This Man of Sorrows can never become an inspiration to the race." There are three hundred and forty-eight millions of people who to-day revere Jesus of Nazareth as the Master.
When, at that memorable meeting, just referred to by Chancellor McCracken, the Declaration of Independence was drawn up, many were the sneers and interruptions of those who said, "The spirit of the Declaration of Independence can never prevail." There are, thank God, ninety millions of free people to-day who have been reared under the spirit of the Declaration of Independence, and to-day we are free. Tell me of any great movement that has helped the world which, after one hundred years, has stood more solid, appealed more strongly to the conscience of humanity than this Peace Movement which has caused us to assemble to-day?
Ladies and gentlemen, let me, as a last word, say to you: "Fail! it is the word of cowards. Fail! it is the word of slaves."
The Chair will recognize two speakers from the floor, and then, as he believes all will wish to hear him, he will call on the Hon. William Jennings Bryan.
MR. PRESIDENT, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: I only wish to speak a word and not one of dissonance, I hope, from the general proposition touching the instructions to the Hague Conference. I represent the International Peace Bureau, and to some extent the Branch Bureau in Washington of the Woman's National Press Association. I simply want to give the message that I am instructed by the Press Association to give. This is the
message; first, that all nations on friendly terms with each other that shall be represented in the international court at The Hague-I must call it a court and not by any other name-shall be urged to enter into formal treaties of arbitration in order that the Peace of the future shall be assured. Second, that no single nation has any longer the right to break the Peace of the world. Mr. Chairman, I feel that that ought to be in the general resolutions, that no single nation shall ever hereafter have the right to break the Peace of the world. (Applause.) Third, that they use their instrumentality to incorporate as one of the principles of international law that in case of war the right of all neutrals on sea or land shall be respected, in their persons and property, and that no seaport town, even of belligerents, shall be bombarded while it endangers the lives of women and children (applause), as it always does; I think that would be the end of war. Fourth, that there should be a general and gradual disarmament until the armaments are reduced to a reasonable police force, like that of Switzerland and Belgium, both in the interests of Peace and with a view to relieving the laboring classes from the support of so many non-producers. Fifth, that the principles of Peace shall be taught in all institutions of learning of all nations, supported by money of the government. Sixth, that the meeting of the Hague Court shall be permanent and that this Court shall always be open for the transaction of business. It was suggested in the resolutions that it be open to all the nations of the world, but if it really is an international court, it must be open to all the nations of the world, whether they have signed the protocol or not. Isn't our national Supreme Court open to everybody in the United States? This International Court, then, must be open to all the nations of the world, whether they subscribe to it or not. Now, Mr. Chairman, I believe that these suggestions are not in discord with the resolutions presented by the committee, but that they . are in accord, as I wish them to be in accord, for it is only by agreement with each other that we shall have any hope of
MR. FRANCIS GALLAGHER: I offer the following resolution:
Resolved, That we recognize, with great appreciation, the valuable services rendered in behalf of the cause by Mr. Andrew Carnegie.
If Mr. Gallagher will kindly withdraw that resolution, a resolution has been adopted covering services. We had better get the body of the resolutions constituting our Platform disposed of and then we will have plenty of time to thank everybody. Mr. Murphy follows.
MR. CHAIRMAN, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: I must plead guilty to being one of the delegates who called upon the chairman of the Committee on Resolutions this morning, but I did not know that the committee had already held its meeting, or I should have certainly called there before. I was very courteously received by him, and the resolutions which I had intended to offer I shall not insist upon, unless the committee deems it advisable to embody its substance in the resolutions which it has proposed.
Now, I am heartily in favor of the resolutions that have been presented by this committee, particularly that one which is in favor of making the court a permanent institution, but I believe that to make the court an effective court we must delegate to it some power which shall become inherent and which no nation can take from it. We have the right to delegate to it the power which I have in mind. I believe that it should be the duty of that court not only to arbitrate the differences that may be submitted to it, but in case one nation should declare war upon another, it should be the duty, the power of that court to investigate immediately and inquire into the merits of the claims of the contending nations and publish its findings to the world. (Applause.) I believe that any nation desirous of going to war would, in such a case, hesitate if it knew that its claims were to be judicially determined and that there was a chance of going up against the opinion of the world. (Applause.) It may be asked, what good might be accomplished by such an action, after hostilities had begun? To that I say that the nation whose cause is just, who is fighting because it is compelled to fight, should have the sympathy of the peace-loving people of the world. (Applause.) We should know, if we can, in such cases, when a nation is in the right. There are many ways in which the nation that is just, whose cause is just, might be aided by the peace