that all men should have a fair chance, and that differences, instead of being settled by the methods of the battlefield should be referred to courts-whether it is possible for that element to be brought into activity again. We want to revive the old American ideals before the peoples of Europe.

I can assure you, speaking from very wide experience in European nations, that the general opinion of Europe is that the American is a dreadfully smart man who has got a great deal of money, a man who is very unscrupulous as to the way in which he makes this money and very lavish in the way in which he spends it, and that his great object is to have a good time. That is the American in England, the American in Europe, the pleasure-seeking American, the American who has money to burn, who goes to Monte Carlo and Paris and all that-and that is the last man in the world to whom you should look for any ideal or any great enthusiasm.

I believe there is still enthusiasm, there is still faith in humanity on the part of the American people, and I want to get it manifested. I want it brought home to the people in Europe.

Now, there is one particular proposal with which I have been identified in England and which I wish to recommend to you as a sample of what we want to get done at the Hague Conference, and I want you to help to get it done. You know at the present moment that Monarchies-which you all despise, of course, I presume as free-born Republicans-Monarchies have at least more common sense than Republics in one thing, and that is that Monarchies recognize the Monarchs. They recognize that because they are governing countries side by side with each other, it is very important they should be on neighborly terms; that they should not quarrel more than is absolutely necessary; that they should be a little chummy among themselves, visit each other, dine with each other, correspond with each other, and in short show hospitality to each other. Now, Democracies have never learned that fundamental lesson. We have democratized many things in the Old World and you have been a Democracy from the first, but you have never democratized hospitality; neither have we, but we hope to begin.

We have heard a great deal concerning the various Squires upon this platform to-night. (Laughter.) We in England always consider when a man sticks "Esquire" after his name, it

is a kind of intimation-unless the man is legally entitled to the word Esquire that it is the mark of a snob. Plain "Mr." is all right. Now you have crowned a lot of spurious Esquires; you will be getting some Knights, Dukes, Counts and Princes before long. But you have in your Labor Unions men who correspond to the old Dukes and Feudal Princes of old times. They are not hereditary leaders, but they are leaders. (Applause.) And they have got thousands and hundreds of thousands of men at their backs. But where is there a government in the world that will recognize Mr. Gompers as a Prince? Yet he is far more important than many of the tuppeny ha'penny Princes we have. (Applause.) We maintain that if we are going to inaugurate an era of democracy based on fellowship and Peace among the nations, we must practice hospitality to the leaders of democracy and especially to the leaders of organized labor.

You say, how can you do that? Very simply, my friends, if you've got two things: First, common sense and good-will; secondly, the money with which to do it. It is precisely to that question of money that I am coming now. Do you think it is reasonable that a government should try to maintain Peace only by preparing for war, instead of endeavoring to work for Peace by promoting peaceful sentiments among its people? We in England have studied this matter carefully, and we have come to the conclusion practically, that the time has arrived when every government in the civilized world should make an appropriation every year for the purpose of showing hospitality to other nations, and for the purpose of promoting Peace and good-will among its own people. And by way of beginning, it has been proposed that we should ask the governments of the civilized world at the Hague Conference to set aside, say, one red cent for Peace and hospitality for every ten dollars that they spend upon powder and shot. (Applause.) One red cent-decimal one per cent. of the army and navy appropriations—to be spent in promoting good feeling among the peoples by an interchange of hospitality.

Do you know how much that would mean in our country? It would mean that we should have about three hundred thousand dollars a year to spend in promoting Peace by promoting good feeling, good neighborliness, showing hospitality to the

representatives of the people, whether they be Trade Union leaders, Members of Congress, distinguished artists, men of science, any person who serves his country. These people ought to be received, ought to be welcomed, ought to be entertained. Now we want your support in your country to the proposition that instead of spending all your money to preserve Peace by making preparation for war, you should spend one dollar in every thousand upon the more practical methods of promoting brotherly love and kindly feelings among the peoples. (Applause.)

We want to get you to be really aroused on this question which I am very sure of, because when a man gets really aroused, there is always more fight in him than there seems to be in the kind of meetings I have addressed. You know in war one of the things you have to do is to get in touch with your enemy by making a reconnoissance in force. By that means you feel out your enemy and know where to plant your shot in the midst of him. We have been making a great many reconnoissances in force, but I do not think we have drawn anybody's fire anywhere upon our movement except one miserable tupenny ha'penny person who seemed to think it was much better to use the soldiers against his own country than against a foreign foe. (Cries of hear, hear.) I am glad that one person approves energetically, but will nobody disapprove as energetically?

Now, if you are really going to work this business, you have got to set to work practically. How can you bring your feeling, your opinion, your convictions to bear upon the government? Only in one way, my friends. You must band yourselves together and make yourselves an intolerable nuisance to everyone who does not do what you want. (Laughter.) There is but one way of getting anything from any government and that is by making it uncomfortable for them not to go your way. (Laughter and applause.) Then make it more uncomfortable for them to go other peoples' way than yours. All the people who make money out of war, and supply war material, have an enormous mass of family interests in the army, in the navy, in those who are building ships-the bread and butter of these people depend on army expenditures, on navy expenditures, going on and going on; and if you do not band yourselves

together and make it very hot for people who do not do what you want, the organized interests which represent the expenditures will down you every time.

Now, there has been a great deal said about organized labor banding together. I am very glad that I can bear witness to-night that in England organized labor has stood the test and stood it very well on the subject of Peace and war. It is all very well to throw our caps up into the air when there is no war thunder heard, no madness in the population, but when we are in a war, where our own countrymen are fighting against a foreign foe, it takes a good deal of grit, a good deal of earnestness to stand up against your own government and denounce it, and expose yourself to the accusation of denouncing your own countrymen who are dying on the field of battle for the honor of your flag. (Great applause.) But all labor men-we did not have very many in Parliament then-were, with one solitary exception, I believe, absolutely as a unit against that abominable South African war. They stood as a rock and they had their reward. They went back to their constituencies, some twenty or thirty, and they came back nearly a hundred strong-a hundred labor members there are at present in the House of Commons—and Peace men every one of them. That is a good record. (Applause.)

But what we want you to do, the organized labor men of this country, is to back up the organized labor of European countries. We have a far greater burden of armaments than you have. The war pressure is far more keenly felt by us than it is by you. You are a great, free and practically unlooted country; your great treasures are unappropriated. You have only scratched the surface of the treasure house of the world in which you live. We are living in an old world. We want a fresh breath of the American enthusiasm to encourage us to keep on fighting. And so it is that I propose, and I hope on Friday night, when I am here to discuss more at length with you and in a more informal fashion than I am doing now, the proposal that representative Americans of international reputation-including a fair proportion of the representatives of organized labor, men whom I will venture to name in the provisional list which I submit, including Mr. Gompers, Mr. Mitchell, and Mr. Powderly-should be sent by peace-loving American

citizens as a deputation to Europe to appeal to the peoples of Europe, especially appealing to the organized labor of Europe, to join with them in making an appeal to every government in the Old World, to support a strong and a peaceful and a progressive program at the Hague Conference. (Applause.) I believe it would be a useful thing and a very admirable thing, if, instead of confining your export of traveling Americans to wealthy millionaires and society women, you would send some of the representatives of labor to meet the representatives of labor in other countries-I believe that if such a deputation made a pilgrimage, as I might call it, it would shake society and give new hope and courage to all those who are struggling for the right in the Old World.

The route that has been mapped out, for the delegation is to start from New York, after having waited upon the President and the Secretary of State at Washington; go to England, where they would be joined by twelve British pilgrims, see our King and our Government, see our representative men and make them see and understand that America is in earnest about this question. Then, adding the twelve British pilgrims to their number, they would go over to France and repeat the same operation there; and from France go on to Rome; from Rome to Vienna; to Buda-pesth; from there to St. Petersburg; and then return, stopping at Berlin, Brussels, and then on to The Hague, where the International Deputation, consisting of one hundred of the best and brainiest and most peace-loving citizens of the world, would lay before the President of the Hague Conference the prayer of all peace-loving citizens regardless of nationality. And at this great meeting of the Parliament of the world, the first Parliament of the world ever assembled, good use could be made of that deputation. Definite steps would be taken first to establish the principles of a peace budget, by which there should be a small appropriation made every year for the active work of the Peace Movement and the promotion of hospitality; secondly, for the excommunication, the placing under the ban of the world, every nation which went to war without first asking special mediation to see whether the quarrel could be adjusted amicably -allowing these special mediators thirty days' time in which to make Peace; thirdly, for an arbitration treaty to cover every question not of primary importance, but for secondary questions