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for they shall all speak one language, the language of simple friendliness and truth. (Applause.)

DR. BUTLER:

A recent book entitled "The Newer Ideals of Peace," which touches with skill, learning, and high feeling upon the problems of our time, had for its author the next speaker. Already she has been taxed by the demand of the overflow meeting, made up of hundreds of persons unable to gain admission to this hall. I take great pleasure in presenting as the next speaker a woman who is a whole college in herself-Miss Jane Addams, of Hull House, Chicago.

The New Internationalism

MISS JANE ADDAMS

This great Peace Conference convened here was called, not merely that we might talk together and prognosticate concerning the fine things which will take place at the next Hague Conference, but largely that we might take stock of our assets, and formulate the new hopes upon which we venture to predict the final coming of Peace.

I take it that I was asked to speak this evening upon "The New Internationalism," not that I might state the internationalism of the scholar which has been so ably set before you, for in all times the scholar has lived in "the kingdom of the mind," and has known no national bounds; nor yet that I might speak of such international congresses as those which meet to consider questions of universal postal service and sanitary science, which also belongs to that higher kingdom; but rather that I might bring news of those humbler people, who have hitherto failed to enter this "kingdom of the mind" because of that traditional attitude towards aliens which Dr. Adler has mentioned. The serf tied to the soil believed that the people on the other side of the mountain had horns and claws; the peasant who never ventured from his home was assured that he would be killed in his neighbor's fields, although they were as fertile and sunny as his own. Only now, during the last one hundred years, are we able to say that the peasant peoples of the earth, the hewers of wood and the drawers of water, have at last come into a larger cosmopolitanism

founded upon community of interests and knowledge. For the first time in the history of the world these humbler people have been able to undertake peaceful travel-to cross mountains and seas. An Italian neighbor, of mine can come from Naples to Chicago for twenty-two dollars, and he can go back from Chicago to Naples for eighteen dollars, and he often does go back to save his winter's coal bill. It is now for the first time that millions of people throughout the earth have been able to read together. We do not realize how short a term of years it is since this same trick of reading has been spread over the face of the nations. We all read practically the same news every morning. We may accuse our newspapers of lack of accuracy in the reports they make, we may accuse them of lack of perception in that they do not print the significant things as they occur over the face of the earth, but certainly we cannot accuse them of lack of enterprise in pushing their circulations. (Laughter.) As a result of this untiring enterprise, thousands of people are brought together each day into a new common kingdom of the mind; it may be narrow, it may concern only the trivial things of life, the sensations of murder and sudden death, but at least for a few minutes after breakfast each morning millions of men come together and consider those events which are of international report. What is happening from this new bringing together of the peoples of the earth? Some of us who live in cosmopolitan neighborhoods are convinced, although I am sure that you would soon learn it for yourselves if you were subjected to the same environment-that at this moment there is arising in these cosmopolitan centers a sturdy, a virile and an unprecedented internationalism which is fast becoming too real, too profound, too widespread, ever to lend itself to warfare. The rulers who have hitherto urged warfare because of their dynastic ambitions or their religious differences or their imperialistic vanities, or anything else you please, have always been obliged to dress these motives in fine phrases before they could inscribe them on the banners of the multitude; and these same rulers, before they could induce even their own people to follow them, have been forced to portray the enemy as hideous or wicked or barbaric or "weak." At the present moment, however, if the people who have entered into this new internationalism are to be led into warfare, they must be led against their next-door neighbors; and if they cannot tear themselves apart

from each other long enough to get the alien point of view, then it is impossible for them to obtain the point of view necessary for the soldier, and ambitious rulers will appeal and command in vain.

Ruskin has been quoted here just now to tell us that war alone preserves the sense of detachment, the willingness to sacrifice life for higher aims which the soldier's career has engendered; and yet it is Ruskin who reminds us that we admire the soldier, not because he goes forth to slay, but because he goes forth ready to be slain. When we get down to the real essence of war, whenever we try to find out what it is which we actually admire that which has made men extol war through many generations-we suddenly discover that it is this high carelessness concerning life, that it is the spirit of the martyr who sets his faith above his life. So I believe that when we once apprehend the international goodwill which is gathering in the depths of the cosmopolitan peoples, that we will there discover a reservoir of that moral devotion which has fostered "the cause of the people," so similar in every nation, throughout all the crises in the world's history. All that we need to do for the healing of the nations is to provide channels through which its beneficent waters may flow. If this devotion to unselfish aims were given its ritual, or, if you please, its paraphernalia, the beat of its own drums; if it were made such a spectacle as men like to see and have a right to see, then I believe that we would be in no danger of losing the value of the war virtues, and that we would find their substitutes in a new cosmopolitanism which is developing in the life of the common people. It is too precious a moral asset to be longer overlooked.

It is in some such hope as this, in the desire to make it valid and tangible, to receive new assurance of its power, that some of us have come to this Peace Congress. It is needless to say that it is hard to formulate it; that although this power of devotion to the human cause is no mean force, it is difficult to put it over against the pomp of war. Yet it is growing and developing in this America of ours as it is nowhere else, because nowhere else does it have the same opportunity. Unless we recognize it, unless we lead it forth and give it the courageous expression which it deserves, we will be thrown back into the old ideals of warfare, which we ought to give up, not because they are old, but because they do not fit the present moment. It is needless to say

that it is always dangerous to be forced to abandon old ideals and emotions without any new ones which may be substituted for them.

If any of you feel as a result of this Peace Congress that admiration for warfare is slipping out of your grasp, and as if, for the moment, you have no hero whom you may whole-heartedly admire, permit me to suggest that new admirations too large for national bounds are developing in the life of a cosmopolitan people, that a gigantic hero is awakening there-turning in his sleep as it were. When this hero is wide awake and has come into his own, it is quite possible that we will be moved to give him, not the traditional laurel wreath of the soldier, but the martyr's crown. It is also possible that in the moment of decorating this hero of the new internationalism, we may discover that we had hitherto admired the soldier only because he too had represented the spirit of the martyr, and had ever been ready to place his life at the service of a great cause.

DR. BUTLER:

Before presenting the next and last speaker, I wish, on behalf of the committee, and I am sure I may add on behalf of this audience as well, to tender to the members of the College Glee Clubs our cordial and hearty thanks. (Applause.)

At the conclusion of the next speech, the Glee Club will lead the audience in the singing of "America." I take pleasure in presenting Mr. Edwin D. Mead, of Boston, whose voice and soul have been given to this cause for a full generation.

What the Scholar has Done for Peace

EDWIN D. MEAD

Emerson once said: "The Americans have little faith. They rely on the power of a dollar; they are dead to a sentiment; and no class more faithless than the scholars or intellectual men." Emerson had very strong provocation at the time he spoke. I think neither judgment can stand as a general proposition. But let them stand as the expression of his scorn, and our own, for the faithless American and the faithless scholar. America, the land of great privilege and great opportunity, is pre-eminently

bound to be the land of idealism; the scholar who is deaf to noble sentiment is above all men reprobate.

On the whole, I believe that no class of men have been so faithful and so heroic as the world's scholars. It would be a terrible impeachment if it were not so if knowledge did not make for virtue and for leadership. Faithless and selfish, scholars have been often enough, but from the time when Moses, learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, led Israel up out of Egypt, and Paul, who had sat at the feet of Gamaliel, preached Christ, and Wyclif and Luther and Melancthon and Calvin and their fellow-workers, greatest scholars of their time, preached the Reformation, to the time when Sir John Eliot and Hampden and Pym and Cromwell and Milton and Vane, Oxford and Cambridge scholars all, led the movement which brought in the English Commonwealth, when scholars of Harvard and William and Mary-Otis, Adams, Hancock, Jefferson, Marshall -with Madison of Princeton and Hamilton and Jay of Columbia here were leaders in the struggle for American independence and in the creation of this American republic, and when Sumner and Phillips and Channing and Parker and Emerson and Lowell fought to redeem the land from slavery-I say in all these ages scholars, whatever selfishness and recreancy in their class, have been leaders and heroes. I make no foolish claim, young ladies and gentlemen-for to you especially I speak-for your privileged class. None of us ever forgets that Washington and Franklin, greatest of the founders of the republic, that Garrison and Lincoln, pre-eminent in the anti-slavery struggle, were not trained in college halls; and especially I would not have you forget that the leaders in both great struggles, like the leaders in all great struggles, over and over, found the great class of privileged and cultivated men ranged like flint against them, and the "plain people" their support. Learn history just as it is, and see what poor creatures the scholars of the past who closed their eyes to the call of the future, appear to the generation after them, and see the world's gratitude and obligation to her long line of scholars who had faith and faithfulness.

If there were a greater scholar in his time than Hugo Grotius, living in Holland at the very time that our fathers were in exile there, it would be hard to name him. It would be hard to

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