together. The price is fearful. But, ciples of Mr. Mill be sound, we say, if, when the shock is over, a new order without hesitation, that the form of of things should arise under which pro-government which he recommends will perty may enjoy security, the industry assuredly produce all this. But, if these of individuals will soon repair the de- principles be unsound, if the reasonings vastation. Thus we entertain no doubt by which we have opposed them be that the Revolution was, on the whole, just, the higher and middling orders a most salutary event for France. But are the natural representatives of the would France have gained if, ever since human race. Their interest may be the year 1793, she had been governed opposed in some things to that of their by a democratic convention? If Mr. poorer contemporaries; but it is idenMill's principles be sound, we say that tical with that of the innumerable gealmost her whole capital would by this nerations which are to follow. time have been annihilated. As soon as the first explosion was beginning to be forgotten, as soon as wealth again began to germinate, as soon as the poor again began to compare their cottages and salads with the hotels and banquets of the rich, there would have been another scramble for property, another maximum, another general confiscation, another reign of terror. Four or five such convulsions following each other, at intervals of ten or twelve years, would reduce the most flourishing countries of Europe to the state of Barbary or the Morea.

The civilised part of the world has now nothing to fear from the hostility of savage nations. Once the deluge of barbarism has passed over it, to destroy and to fertilise; and in the present state of mankind we enjoy a full security against that calamity. That flood will no more return to cover the earth. But is it possible that in the bosom of civilisation itself may be engendered the malady which shall destroy it? Is it possible that institutions may be established which, without the help of earthquake, of famine, of pestilence, or of the foreign sword, may undo the work of so many ages of wisdom and glory, and gradually sweep away taste, literature, science, commerce, manufactures, everything but the rude arts necessary to the support of animal life? Is it possible that, in two or three hundred years, a few lean and halfnaked fishermen may divide with owls and foxes the ruins of the greatest European cities may wash their nets amidst the relics of her gigantic docks, and build their huts out of the capitals of her stately cathedrals? If the prin

Mr. Mill concludes his essay, by answering an objection often made to the project of universal suffrage-that the people do not understand their own interests. We shall not go through his arguments on this subject, because, till he has proved that it is for the interest of the people to respect property, he only makes matters worse by proving that they understand their interests. But we cannot refrain from treating our readers with a delicious bonne bouche of wisdom, which he has kept for the last moment.

"The opinions of that class of the people who are below the middle rank are formed, and their minds are directed, by that intelliimmediately in contact with them, who are in gent, that virtuous rank, who come the most the constant habit of intimate communication with them, to whom they fly for advice and

assistance in all their numerous difficulties, upon whom they feel an immediate and daily dependence in health and in sickness, in infancy and in old age, to whom their children look up as models for their imitation, whose opinions they hear daily repeated, and account it their honour to adopt. There can be no doubt that the middle rank, which gives to science, to art, and to legislation itself their most distinguished ornaments, and is the chief source of all that has exalted and refined human nature, is that portion of the community, of which, if the basis of representation were ever so far extended, the opinion would ultimately decide. Of the people beneath them, a vast majority would be sure to be guided by their advice and example."

This single paragraph is sufficient to upset Mr. Mill's theory. Will the people act against their own interest? Or will the middle rank act against its own interest? Or is the interest of the middle rank identical with the interest of the people? If the people act according to the directions of the middle rank, as Mr. Mill says that they assuredly will, one of these three

soning utterly unfit for moral and political discussions; of a kind of reasoning which may so readily be turned to purposes of falsehood that it ought to receive no quarter, even when by accident it may be employed on the side of truth.

Our objection to the essay of Mr. Mill is fundamental. We believe that it is utterly impossible to deduce the science of government from the principles of human nature.

questions must be answered in the affirmative. But, if any one of the three be answered in the affirmative, his whole system falls to the ground. If the interest of the middle rank be identical with that of the people, why should not the powers of government be intrusted to that rank? If the powers of government were intrusted to that rank, there would evidently be an aristocracy of wealth; and "to constitute an aristocracy of wealth, though it were a very numerous one, would," What proposition is there respecting according to Mr. Mill, "leave the com- human nature which is absolutely and munity without protection, and exposed universally true? We know of only to all the evils of unbridled power." one: and that is not only true, but Will not the same motives which in- identical; that men always act from duce the middle classes to abuse one self-interest. This truism the Utilitakind of power induce them to abuse rians proclaim with as much pride as another? If their interest be the if it were new, and as much zeal as if same with that of the people they will govern the people well. If it be opposite to that of the people they will advise the people ill. The system of universal suffrage, therefore, according to Mr. Mill's own account, is only a device for doing circuitously what a representative system, with a pretty high qualification, would do directly.

One

it were important. But in fact, when explained, it means only that men, if they can, will do as they choose. When we see the actions of a man we know with certainty what he thinks his interest to be. But it is impossible to reason with certainty from what we take to be his interest to his actions. One man goes without a dinner that So ends this celebrated Essay. And he may add a shilling to a hundred such is this philosophy for which the thousand pounds: another runs in debt experience of three thousand years is to give balls and masquerades. to be discarded; this philosophy, the man cuts his father's throat to get professors of which speak as if it had possession of his old clothes: another guided the world to the knowledge of hazards his own life to save that of navigation and alphabetical writing; an enemy. One man volunteers on a as if, before its dawn, the inhabitants forlorn hope: another is drummed out of Europe had lived in caverns and of a regiment for cowardice. Each of eaten each other! We are sick, it these men has, no doubt, acted from seems, like the children of Israel, of self-interest. But we gain nothing by the objects of our old and legitimate knowing this, except the pleasure, if it worship. We pine for a new idolatry. be one, of multiplying useless words. All that is costly and all that is orna- In fact, this principle is just as reconmental in our intellectual treasures dite and just as important as the great must be delivered up, and cast into the truth that whatever is, is. If a philosofurnace and there comes out this Calf! pher were always to state facts in the Our readers can scarcely mistake our following form-"There is a shower: object in writing this article. They but whatever is, is; therefore, there is will not suspect us of any disposi-a shower,"-his reasoning would be tion to advocate the cause of absolute perfectly sound; but we do not appremonarchy, or of any narrow form of hend that it would materially enlarge oligarchy, or to exaggerate the evils of the circle of human knowledge. And popular government. Our object at present is, not so much to attack or defend any particular system of polity, as to expose the vices of a kind of rea

it is equally idle to attribute any importance to a proposition which, when interpreted means only that a man had rather do what he had rather do.

If the doctrine, that men always act | rally considered as one of the strongest from self-interest, be laid down in any of our feelings. It is the most formidother sense than this-if the meaning able sanction which legislators have of the word self-interest be narrowed been able to devise. Yet it is notoso as to exclude any one of the motives which may by possibility act on any human being, the proposition ceases to be identical; but at the same time it ceases to be true.

What we have said of the word "self-interest" applies to all the synonymes and circumlocutions which are employed to convey the same meaning; pain and pleasure, happiness and misery, objects of desire, and so forth.

The whole art of Mr. Mill's essay consists in one simple trick of legerdemain. It consists in using words of the sort which we have been describing first in one sense and then in another. Men will take the objects of their desire if they can. Unquestionably-but this is an identical proposition: for an object of desire means merely a thing which a man will procure if he can. Nothing can possibly be inferred from a maxim of this kind. When we see a man take something we shall know that it was an object of his desire. But till then we have no means of judging with certainty what he desires or what he will take. The general proposition, however, having been admitted, Mr. Mill proceeds to reason as if men had no desires but those which can be gratified only by spoliation and oppression. It then becomes easy to deduce doctrines of vast importance from the original axiom. The only misfortune is, that by thus narrowing the meaning of the word desire the axiom becomes false, and all the doctrines consequent upon it are false likewise.

rious that, as Lord Bacon has observed, there is no passion by which that fear has not been often overcome. Physical pain is indisputably an evil; yet it has been often endured, and even welcomed. Innumerable martyrs have exulted in torments which made the spectators shudder; and, to use a more homely illustration, there are few wives who do not long to be mothers.

In

Is the love of approbation a stronger motive than the love of wealth? It is impossible to answer this question generally even in the case of an individual with whom we are very intimate. We often say, indeed, that a man loves fame more than money or money more than fame. But this is said in a loose and popular sense; for there is scarcely a man who would not endure a few sneers for a great sum of money, if he were in pecuniary distress; and scarcely a man, on the other hand, who, if he. were in flourishing circumstances, would expose himself to the hatred and contempt of the public for a trifle. order, therefore, to return a precise answer even about a single human being, we must know what is the amount of the sacrifice of reputation demanded and of the pecuniary advantage offered, and in what situation the person to whom the temptation is proposed stands at the time. But, when the question is propounded generally about the whole species, the impossibility of answering is still more evident. Man differs from man; generation from generation; nation from nation. Education, station, sex, age, accidental associations, produce infinite shades of variety.

When we pass beyond those maxims which it is impossible to deny without Now, the only mode in which we can a contradiction in terms, and which, conceive it possible to deduce a theory therefore, do not enable us to advance of government from the principles of a single step in practical knowledge, human nature is this. We must find we do not believe that it is possible to out what are the motives which, in a lay down a single general rule respect- particular form of government, impel ing the motives which influence human rulers to bad measures, and what are actions. There is nothing which may those which impel them to good meanot, by association or by comparison, sures. We must then compare the effect become an object either of desire or of of the two classes of motives; and, acaversion. The fear of death is gene-cording as we find the one or the other

to prevail, we must pronounce the form, of government in question good or bad. Now let it be supposed that, in aristocratical and monarchical states, the desire of wealth and other desires of the same class always tend to produce misgovernment, and that the love of approbation and other kindred feelings always tend to produce good government. Then, if it be impossible, as we have shown that it is, to pronounce generally which of the two classes of motives is the more influential, it is impossible to find out, a priori, whether a monarchical or aristocratical form of government be good or bad.

description of actions either motive will lead, how can we possibly deduce a theory of government from the nature of man?

How, then, are we to arrive at just conclusions on a subject so important to the happiness of mankind? Surely by that method which, in every experimental science to which it has been applied, has signally increased the power and knowledge of our species,—by that method for which our new philosophers would substitute quibbles scarcely worthy of the barbarous respondents and opponents of the middle ages,-by the method of Induction;-by observing Mr. Mill has avoided the difficulty of the present state of the world,-by asmaking the comparison, by very coolly siduously studying the history of past putting all the weights into one of the ages,-by sifting the evidence of facts, scales,-by reasoning as if no human-by carefully combining and contrastbeing had ever sympathised with the ing those which are authentic,-by gefeelings, been gratified by the thanks, neralising with judgment and diffidence, or been galled by the execrations, of-by perpetually bringing the theory another. which we have constructed to the test The case, as we have put it, is deci- of new facts,-by correcting, or altosive against Mr. Mill; and yet we have gether abandoning it, according as those put it in a manner far too favourable new facts prove it to be partially or funto him. For, in fact, it is impossible damentally unsound. Proceeding thus, to lay it down as a general rule that the-patiently,-diligently,-candidly,love of wealth in a sovereign always we may hope to form a system as far produces misgovernment, or the love of inferior in pretension to that which we approbation good government. A patient and far-sighted ruler, for example, who is less desirous of raising a great sum immediately than of securing an unencumbered and progressive revenue, will, by taking off restraints from trade and giving perfect security to property, encourage accumulation and entice capital from foreign countries. This is that noble Science of Policommercial policy of Prussia, which is tics, which is equally removed from the perhaps superior to that of any country barren theories of the Utilitarian soin the world, and which puts to shame phists, and from the petty craft, so often the absurdities of our republican bre- mistaken for statesmanship by minds thren on the other side of the Atlantic, grown narrow in habits of intrigue, jobhas probably sprung from the desire of bing, and official etiquette; which of an absolute ruler to enrich himself. On all sciences is the most important to the other hand, when the popular esti- the welfare of nations,-which of all mate of virtues and vices is erroneous, sciences most tends to expand and inwhich is too often the case, the love of vigorate the mind,-which draws nutriapprobation leads sovereigns to spend ment and ornament from every part of the wealth of the nation on useless philosophy and literature, and dispensez shows, or to engage in wanton and de-in return nutriment and ornament to structive wars. If then we can neither all. We are sorry and surprised when compare the strength of two motives, we see men of good intentions and good nor determine with certainty to what natural abilities abandon this healthful

The

have been examining and as far superior to it in real utility as the prescriptions of a great physician, varying with every stage of every malady and with the constitution of every patient, to the pill of the advertising quack which is to cure all human beings, in all climates, of all diseases.

and generous study to pore over specu- | Hume's History, and has actually got lations like those which we have been as far as the battle of Agincourt. He examining. And we should heartily assures us that he takes great pleasure rejoice to find that our remarks had induced any person of this description to employ, in researches of real utility, the talents and industry which are now wasted on verbal sophisms, wretched of their wretched kind.