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We set out with saying that Dr. Thomson's sermons were good of their kind. We may go further still, and say, that, in one kind of sermon-writing, we know nothing at all like them. His whole style is like that of a legal argument; and when perusing his volumes we can scarcely believe that we are not reading an address to a jury in a court of justice, rather than a sermon to a congregation in a place of worship. Judging from these compositions, we should say that he greatly mistook his vocation, as far as his worldly fame is concerned, when he chose the pulpit, instead of the bar, as the theatre for the display of his talents. The whole habit and taste of his mind is evidently to law and lawyers. But here he is, a Doctor of Divinity, instead of a Lord of Session, and so we must make the best of him in this capacity. Now, this best is not theology, but controversy. As Edgeworth says of Rousseau, "where he happens to be right his eloquence is irresistible;" so where Dr. Thomson's theology happens to be sound his power of writing is very great indeed. He would be a capital advocate for accused Christians before a persecuting tribunal. If his law were like his divinity, he would be of the same class as Mr. Brougham, and the late Mr. Erskine,-valueless, wherever learning was required; but overwhelming, where declamation would answer the purpose, and inaccuracies were of little importance. In some of his controversial writings his language was not temperate, but there is a vein through them all that marks a man of a playful and amiable disposition. We feel convinced, that, were we personally acquainted with him, we should probably differ, but that it would be our fault if that difference ever proceeded to a breach of love between us. Barring the abominable notes which were exposed in our last number, we recommend this volume to the perusal of our readers.

ON THE HEADS OF THE BEAST OF THE APOCALYPSE.

To the Editor of the Morning Watch.

SIR,-I was much gratified by the perusal of your review of Mr. Maitland's Second Inquiry respecting the 1260 days, which I think you have satisfactorily proved to be symbolical of 1260 natural years. It is not my intention to enter, therefore, upou this subject but it will afford Mr. Maitland (with whom I have become recently acquainted) and myself great pleasure, if you will allow me to correct, through the medium of the Morning Watch, a mistake into which he has fallen. The Dublin Christian Examiner referred Mr. Maitland to my last work in one volume, "The Fulfilment, &c. displayed," for a long train of argument, by which I endeavoured to prove, in answer to

Pastorini, that the 1260 days were emblematical of 1260 years. Mr. Maitland, not aware that I had published a second work on the subject, referred to my first work, "The Fulfilment elucidated," in two volumes; which did not contain any of the arguments to which the reviewer alluded respecting the 1260 years; those arguments having been brought forward against Pastorini, of whom I knew nothing in 1815, when my first work was published. Trusting to your indulgence for this correction, I proceed to the consideration of Mr. Maitland's arguments on the five fallen heads of the beast.

Hitherto these five fallen heads have been supposed to be kings, consuls, dictators, decemvirs, and military tribunes. Mr. Maitland, on the contrary, asserts that Rome was under other forms of government, which had ceased to exist previous to the time of St. John, and which commentators on the prophecy have passed over in silence. If Mr. Maitland be correct, if Rome were under eight or nine forms of government, which had become extinct previous to the time of St. John, then it is obvious that the seven-headed and ten-horned beast does not typify the Roman Empire, and that every interpretation of the prophecy resting on this supposition falls to the ground. Hence it is of the highest importance to examine Mr. Maitland's arguments; to meet them full and fairly in all their bearings; and to ascertain correctly whether the Roman empire, previously to the date of the prophecy, had been under five or more forms of government, which at that period had ceased to exist.

Considerable confusion and error frequently result from a want of duly contemplating the symbols of the Apocalypse. We should place the symbolical objects clearly before our eyes; examine their appearance and character, and the natural changes which are incident to them, distinctly and minutely; before we can accurately ascertain the object which they typify, and the beauty and correctness of the application. Supposing, then, we place the heads of this beast before us. The five fallen heads, being heads of the same beast, may possess a family likeness; but still each of them, as in individuals of the same family, will vary from the others in form, size, or colour, so as to present a different outward appearance, which will mark the individual.

Again let us suppose that a single head is before our eyes, and that we view the progressive changes it undergoes from the commencement to the termination of its existence. We shall perceive that the grand lineaments are the same throughout, and preserve its identity; but that it is subject to some alteration in its outward appearance, in sickness and in health, in youth and in age.

From these remarks we may deduce the two following rules for the interpretation of the head of the beast.

Rule 1. That each of the seven forms of government typified by the heads of the beast, will be marked by something peculiar in the outward appearance, which will enable us, under every circumstance, to ascertain its identity and distinguish it from the other forms of government. Thus, kings, consuls, dictators, decemvirs, and military tribunes, are clearly distinguished from each other by name and outward appearance.

Rule 2. That a form of government may preserve its identity, notwithstanding some slight variations in its outward appear

ance.

With the assistance of these two rules I proceed to examine, in order, Mr. Maitland's positions, That the interrex, the prodictator, the triumvirate, and the senate, were distinct heads of the Roman Empire.

The Interrex.-At the death of Romulus," the senate agreed to divide themselves into decuries, or tens; and that decury which was chosen by lot exercised the regal authority for fifty days, each man governing in his turn five days." "And this they called an interregnum: this government continued a whole year*" An interrex was, again, appointed at the decease of Numa, &c.-Was the interrex a new and distinct form of government? He exercised its regal office, and was therefore the representation of the regal government, which was administered by him as a regent, or as a commissioner for the purpose. The events of our own times will illustrate this assertion. During the illness of our Sovereign, the Prince Regent administered the kingly office: during the absence of our present Sovereign in Hanover, commissioners were appointed to execute his office in both cases they exercised merely a vicarial power, and the form of government remained still unchangedviz. it was still regal, or monarchical.

An interex was also occasionally appointed under the republic," to hold the elections, when there were no consuls or dictator, which happened either by their sudden death, or when the tribunes of the commons hindered the elections by their intercession +." But what was the interrex here, more than the substitute or deputy, in the consuls' or dictator's place? The offices of commander in chief and lord high admiral of England are occasionally administered by commissioners, but these offices are still the same. Thus, then, the interrex was in the first instance merely the temporary substitute for the king, and in the second the representative of the consul or dictator: he had no distinct separate existence, so as to make a distinct form of government, to be symbolized by a distinct and separate head.

Echard, Rom. Hist. vol. i. 19.

+ Adams's Rom. Antiq. p.7.

Prodictator.-It was the custom of the Romans that the consul should nominate the dictator, and the dictator his master of the horse. In one great emergency this custom was departed from. One of the consuls was slain at the battle of Thrasymene, and the other was too distant to be sent to, when the enemy was at the gates. The senate, therefore, acting in the place of the absent consul, chose Fabius Maximus dictator, and named Minutius his master of the horse: but, with the exception of the mode of election, and of the addition of pro to the dictator's name, Fabius possessed all the powers of the common dictator. Here, then, was a prodictator, with his master of the horse, possessing all the powers of the dictator, with a slight alteration in the name. Was this a distinct and separate form of government? No: a simple variation in the appearance of the hair of the dictatorial head, arising from temporary sickness, would typify the only difference: the identity remained. The prodictator was therefore represented by the dictatorial head.

The Triumvirate.-When the Roman empire had been extended to a considerable distance from the capital, it was necessary to divide the remote provinces into distinct governments, and to place them under the officers commanding the armies in those districts. These officers were called proconsuls; but they did not, like the prodictator, possess the same powers as the officers from whom they derived their name; as the power of the proconsuls was confined to the provinces, and they had no authority, like the consuls, in the senate. In process of time, from the great extension of the Roman empire, and from the veteran soldiery being under the command of these officers, the proconsuls became the greatest enemies of the republic and consular power. When successful in war, these proconsuls were saluted with the title of Imperators (or Emperors) by their soldiers; and which title they were permitted to retain while they were soliciting a triumph at Rome*. The first triumvirate was formed by Cæsar, Pompey, and Crassus, three proconsular men, who had obtained the title of imperators (or emperors) from their soldiers. These three distinguished commanders were, however, never invested with authority as a triumvirate by the senate: they governed the republic in their proconsular character, at the head of their armies, or by means of the consuls, who were chosen through their influence with the people. This triumvirate terminated in the person of Julius Cæsar, who had been previously declared to be perpetual dictator and imperator.

The second triumvirate was formed by Antony, Lepidus, and Octavius Cæsar. This triumvirate obtained a legal existence, as it was ratified by the senate; who appointed these three to

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govern the empire as a triumvirate; and gave them power, in that capacity, for five years, to reform the commonwealth. This triumvirate never, however, actually governed the whole Roman empire in this capacity; as Sextus Pompey, the advocate of the republic and consular power, was not finally subdued until some time after the triumvirate was dissolved by the exclusion of Lepidus. But was this triumvirate a distinct form of government? No: it was simply a combination of three proconsular military commanders, imperators, or emperors (such as frequently took place afterwards during the emperorship), to govern the Roman empire. It was represented, therefore, by the imperial head in its nascent or infant state, and could not be considered as a distinct form of government. The revolution which took place in the Roman Empire under these two triumvirates, was simply the elevation of the military and despotic commanders of the distant provinces-i. e. of the proconsular imperators or emperors-above the consulship: and the future government of the Roman empire, and of Rome itself, was the military despotism of the provinces extended also to Rome and Italy, the heart of the empire, which had been before more immediately under the senate and the consulship. The view which I have given is supported by Gibbon (vol. i. p. 85), who says, that "Augustus consented to receive the government of the provinces, and the general command of the Roman armies, under the well-known names of proconsul and imperator." Hence the triumvirate has no claim to be considered as a distinct head.

The perpetual dictatorships of Sylla and Cæsar, to which Mr. Maitland briefly alludes, are evidently and substantially the same with the dictatorship; and the title of Prince, given to Augustus, necessarily merges in the emperorship; otherwise one individual would at the same time represent two heads, which is impossible.

The Senate.-The senate never legally constituted the head of the Roman empire. When it is called "Caput Imperii," it is to be understood that it is only so under its legitimate heads of kings, consuls, &c. The parliament of England is at the head of the people of the British empire; but the king is the head of the parliament, which is not complete without him. Mr. Maitland makes some remarks respecting the apparent dissolution and the revival of several of the forms of government of the Roman republic-the consuls being occasionally supplanted by the dictators; the dictators by the military tribunes; those again by the consuls, or dictators-and seems to consider that each suspension of the consular power, &c. denotes the absolute extinction of the head itself by which it was represented. Upon what authority this assumption is made I know not. The sixth head was wounded even to death, and yet revived: why may

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