faculties in constructive work-and this applies to men of low as well as high intelligence.

"No real progress in production can be made unless, stationed at the points where raw materials are converted, we have workmen who are not mere connecting links controlled, by the machines, but men who are masters of the machines. Industry at last is going to assist men to become the conscious creators of their own environment."

Wolf, The Human Relations in Industry (a pamphlet issued by the Associated Industries of Massachusetts, Boston, 1919).

233. THE SURPLUS FOR THE COMMON GOOD

"We have allowed the riches of our mines, the rental value of the lands superior to the margin of cultivation, the extra profits of the fortunate capitalists, even the material outcome of scientific discoveries-which ought by now to have made this Britain of ours immune from class poverty or from any widespread destitution-to be absorbed by individual proprietors; and then devoted very largely to the senseless luxury of an idle rich class. Against this misappropriation of the wealth of the community, the Labor party... emphatically protests. One main pillar of the house that the Labor party intends to build is the future appropriation of the surplus, not to the enlargement of any individual fortune, but to the common good. It is from this constantly arising surplus

that has to be defrayed the public provision for the sick and infirm of all kinds (including that for maternity and infancy) which is still so scandalously insufficient; for the aged and those prematurely incapacitated by accident or disease, now in many ways so imperfectly cared for; for the education alike of children, of adolescents and of adults, in which the Labor party demands a genuine equality of opportunity overcoming all differences of material circumstances; and for the organization of public improvements of all kinds, including the brightening of the lives of those now condemned to almost ceaseless toil, and a great development of the means of recreation. From the same source must come the greatly increased public provision that the Labor party will insist on being made for scientific investigation and original research, in every branch of knowledge, not to say also for the promotion of music, literature and fine art, which have been under capitalism so greatly neglected, and upon which, so the Labor party holds, any real development of civilization fundamentally depends. Society, like the individual, does not

live by bread alone does not exist only for perpetual wealth production. .

"The Labor party has no belief in any of the problems of the world being solved by good will alone. Good will without knowledge is warmth without light. Especially in all the complexities of politics, in the still undeveloped science of society, the Labor party stands for increased study, for the scientific investigation of each succeeding problem, for the deliberate organization of research, and for a much more rapid dissemination among the whole people of all the science that exists. And it is perhaps specially the Labor party that has the duty of placing this advancement of science in the forefront of its political program. What the Labor party stands for in all fields of life is, essentially, democratic coöperation; and coöperation involves a common purpose which can be agreed to; a common plan which can be explained and discussed, and such a measure of success in the adaptation of means to ends as will ensure a common satisfaction. An autocratic sultan may govern without science if his whim is law. A plutocratic party may choose to ignore science, if it is heedless whether its pretended solutions of social problems that may win political triumphs ultimately succeed or fail. But no Labor party can hope to maintain its position unless its proposals are, in fact, the outcome of the best political science of its time; or to fulfil its purpose unless that science is continually wresting new fields from human ignorance."

Report of the British Labor Party, 1918 (quoted in Edie, Current Social and Industrial Forces, New York, Boni Liveright, 1920, p. 183 ff.).

234. PROPERTY

"Property is the sole and despotic dominion which one man claims and exercises over the external things of the world in total exclusion of the right of any other individual in the universe." Blackstone.

235. LIMITATION UPON RIGHTS

"No man has a right to all of his rights." Phillips Brooks.

236. A LIMITATION UPON THE APPLICATION OF PRINCIPLES

The right to equality of educational opportunity would, in a democratic society, be generally admitted. To say, however, that

the right is absolute and should be enforced at every cost would commit us to a program that most will reject as soon as it is understood. For one thing, our children could no longer remain in their present homes; since homes are necessarily educative, and as educating agencies they are vastly unequal. Absolute equality of educational opportunity, being thus incompatible with separate homes, could be had, under present conditions, only at the cost of giving up, at least for several generations, the home as a place for children. W. Jethro Brown, in his Underlying Principles of Modern Legislation (New York, 1915, p. 270) in recognition of this difficulty has proposed to use the term equity of opportunity to represent the highest degree of equality feasible under the conditions of contemporary life.

The important bearing of this discussion is that even so admirable and desirable a principle as equality of educational opportunity cannot be applied absolutely, but only in such way as shall take due account of other principles and factors necessarily involved. The considerations here brought forward hold in general: Under any given set of conditions the optimum application of any principle-even of a principle in itself wholly admirable may well not be the absolute (or maximum) application of that principle. In each particular case the choice of conduct must be decided in the light of the total effect of all the factors involved. We cannot afford to be doctrinaire in the application of even the most important principles.

237. THE MEANING OF CONSTITUTIONS

"A Constitution embodies. . . the principle of Self-Restraint. The people have resolved to put certain rules out of the reach of temporary impulses springing from passion or caprice, and to make these rules the permanent expression of their calm thought and deliberate purpose. It is a recognition of the truth that majorities are not always right, and need to be protected against themselves by being obliged to recur, at moments of haste or excitement, to maxims they had adopted at times of cool reflection."

Bryce, Modern Democracies* (New York, Macmillan, 1921), Vol. II, p. II.

238. INTERNAL PROGRESS AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONSHIPS "More and more, as means of communication multiply, the fate of each state is bound up with that of others, and the attitude

of hostility still characteristic of the modern world threatens the healthy internal development of each member of the community of nations. If a nation may sometimes be consolidated by fear of an aggressor, it is consolidated as an armed camp, and its military organization tends to bring it back to the authoritarian form; the taxable resources of the community are expended on the means of defense or aggression; and the interests of the public are diverted from the improvement of social relations, not by wars, but by ever-renewed rumors of war. On this side, then, the development of the civic principle seems bound up with internationalism, and with a readjustment in the great empires of the relation of governing state and dependencies."

Hobhouse, Social Evolution and Political Theory * (New York, Columbia University, 1911), p. 145.

239. NATIONAL EGOISM

"Egoisin, when it is the egoism of a nation, becomes a duty and a virtue. It becomes purified. Does it not affect the fate of millions of living creatures, millions of millions of men yet to be born? Those governments which have not this sense of egoism are guilty; they are dangerously mischievous."

Bainville, Italy and the War (English trans., London, 1916).

240. INTERNATIONAL SELFISHNESS

"The old predatory instinct that he should take who has the power survives in industry and commerce as well as war. . . . It is vain to expect nations to act consistently from any motive other than that of interest."

Admiral Mahan, The Interest of America in International Conditions (Boston, Little Brown, 1910), pp. 42, 80 f.

CHAPTER XI

DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATION

241. THE VIRTUE OF OBEDIENCE IN AN AUTOCRATIC SOCIETY (Russia, 1819)

"The soul of education and the supreme virtue of a citizen is humility; and therefore obedience is the most important virtue in a student."

Darlington, Education in Russia (London, 1909), p. 58.

242. EDUCATION FOR DEMOCRACY

"A society marked off into classes need be specially attentive only to the education of its ruling elements. A society which is mobile, which is full of channels for the distribution of a change occurring anywhere, must see to it that its members are educated to personal initiative and adaptability. Otherwise, they will be overwhelmed by the changes in which they are caught and whose significance or connections they do not perceive."

Dewey, Democracy and Education* (New York, Macmillan, 1917), p. 102.

243. KANT ON TRAINING AND EDUCATION

"Man can be either merely trained, taught, mechanically instructed, or really enlightened. Dogs and horses are trained and human beings can be trained also.

"It is not enough that children be trained; the most important thing is that they learn to think. This leads to those principles from which all actions arise. Thus it becomes apparent that there is very much to be done in a really worthy education."

Buchner, Kant's Educational Theory* (Philadelphia, Lippincott, 1904), p. 123 f.

244. PERSONALITY AND SHARING

"Personality must be educated, and personality cannot be educated by confining its operations to technical and specialized