CHAPTER V.

JOHN HANCOCK,

DIGNIFIED CAVALIER OF LIBERTY.

THE Revolutionary period of our history is exceedingly interesting, whether considered in the object at stake, the series of acts by which it was accomplished, or its immediate and remote results. Says Sparks, "it properly includes a compass of twenty years, extending from the close of the French war in America to the general peace at Paris. The best history in existence, though left unfinished, that of the Peloponnesian war, by Thucydides, embraces exactly the same space of time, and is not dissimilar in the details of its events. The Revolutionary period, thus defined, is rounded with epic exactness, having a beginning, a middle, and an end; a time for causes to operate, for the stir of action, and for the final results. The machinery in motion is on the broadest scale of grandeur. We see the new world, young in age, but resolute in youth, lifting up the arm of defiance against the haughtiest power of the old; fleets and armies, on one side, crossing the ocean in daring attitude and confiding strength; on the other, men rallying round the banner of union, and fighting on their natal soil for freedom, rights, existence; the

long struggle and successful issue; hope confirmed, justice triumphant. The passions are likewise here at work, in all the changing scenes of politics and war, in the deliberations of the senate, the popular mind, and the martial excitements of the field. We have eloquence and deep thought in council, alertness and bravery in action, self-sacrifice, fortitude, and patient suffering of hardships through toil and danger to the last. If we search for the habiliments of dignity with which to clothe a historical subject, or the loose drapery of ornament with which to embellish a narrative, where shall we find them thronging more thickly, or in happier contrasts than during this period?”

Prominent among the actors in the great drama referred to above, was John Hancock. He was born in Quincy, formerly Braintree, 1737. The grandfather and the father of our hero were both distinguished clergymen. His father died early, leaving him to the care of a wealthy uncle, by whom he was educated and inade the heir of great wealth. Young Hancock, at the early age of seventeen, was graduated at Harvard, in the year 1754. Having spent some years in the counting-house of his uncle, in 1760 he visited England, was present at the funeral of George II. and the coronation of his successor—a monarch against whom he was destined to wage a protracted and successful war. When twenty-seven years old, he returned to his native land, and, on the death of his generous patron, came into the possession of an immense fortune.

In October, 1774, Mr. Hancock was unanimously elected president of the Massachusetts Provincial Con

vention. The next year, the first of the Revolution, he ascended to the highest political distinction then possible, by being made the president of the Continental Congress. It has been well remarked, "that by his long experience in business as moderator of the townmeetings, and presiding officer and speaker of the provincial assemblies, during times of great turbulence and commotion, he was eminently qualified, as well as by his natural dignity of manners, to preside in this great council of the nation."

Hancock was chosen governor of Massachusetts in 1779, and was annually re-elected until 1785. After an interval of two years, during which Mr. Bowdoin occupied the post, Hancock was again placed in the governor's chair, which he occupied until Oct. 8, 1793, when he died, aged 56 years.

Mr. Hancock was a magnificent liver, lavishingly bountiful when once enlisted, and splendidly hospitable to the friends of any cause he loved. Mr. Tudor, in his life of Otis, thus speaks of the effect which the sudden acquisition of his uncle's bounty had upon him, and the manner in which his resources were employed.

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This sudden possession of wealth turned the eyes of the whole community towards him, his conduct under this trying prosperity secured universal esteem and good will. It made him neither giddy, arrogant, nor profligate; he continued his course of regularity, industry, and moderation. Great numbers of people received employment at his hands, and in all his commercial transactions, he exhibited that fair and liberal

character which commonly distinguishes the extensive and affluent merchant."

It was natural that the Boston patriots should wish to enlist this ardent and influential citizen in the popular cause. The manner in which this end was attained is described in the following letter from John Adams to the author referred to above: "I was one day walking in the mall, and accidentally met Samuel Adams. In taking a few turns together, we came in full view of Mr. Hancock's house. Mr. Adams, pointing to the stone building, said, 'This town has done a wise thing to day.' 'What?' They have made that young man's fortune their own.' His prophecy was literally fulfilled, for no man's property was ever more entirely devoted to the public. The town had that day chosen Mr. Hancock into the legislature of the province. The quivering anxiety of the public under the fearful lookingfor of the vengeance of king, ministry, and parliament, compelled him to a constant attendance in the House, his mind was soon engrossed by public cares, alarms, and terrors; his business was left to subalterns, his private affairs neglected, and continued to be so to the end of his life."

Once interested in the cause of his country, he put every thing at stake, and incurred the most violent hatred of England. He was the dignified cavalier of American liberty. In the proclamation issued by General Gage, after the battle of Lexington, and a few days before that of Bunker Hill, offering pardon to the rebels, he and Samuel Adams were especially excepted, their offences being "of too flagitious a nature to admit

of any other consideration than that of condign pun... ishment."

When the Declaration of Independence was to be authenticated by the signature of the president of Congress, and given to the world, Hancock wrote his name in a bold character, that was evidently designed never to be erased.

Hancock and Adams, by their station in popular esteem, and zeal in the popular cause, succeeded Otis as the object of parliamentary insult and denunciation, as is evident from abundant instances recorded in the debates of that day. The two following are extracted from the speeches of Mr. Fox. The first occurred in a debate in 1779, on the Irish discontents, when he assailed Mr. Dundas, and illustrated the present subject, by allusions to former measures respecting America:

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What was the consequence of the sanguinary measures recommended in those bloody, inflammatory speeches? Though Boston was to be starved, though Hancock and Adams were proscribed-yet, at the feet of these very men, the Parliament of Great Britain were obliged to kneel, to flatter, and to cringe; and as they had the cruelty at one time to denounce vengeance against those men, so they had the meanness afterwards to prostrate themselves before them, and implore their forgiveness.-Was he who called the Americans Hancock and his crew,' to reprehend any set of men for inflammatory speeches ?" In the debate on the address to the king, in 1781, speaking of the American war, he said, "They (the ministers) commenced war against America after that country had