two or three laxative, he terms them "general clauses, which may ferve fomewhat to relieve them” against the covenant taken intimating, as if "what were lawful and according to the word of God," were no otherwise fo, than as every man fancied to himself. From fuch learned explications and refolutions as thefe upon the covenant, what marvel if no royalift or malignant refuse to take it, as having learnt from these princely inftructions his many falvoes, cautions, and refervations," how to be a covenanter and anticovenanter, how at once to be a Scot, and an Irish rebel.

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He returns again to difallow of "that reformation which the covenant" vows, as being the partial advice of a few divines." But matters of this moment, as they were not to be decided there by those divines, so neither are they to be determined here by effays and curtal aphorifms, but by folid proofs of Scripture.

The reft of his difcourfe he fpends, highly accufing the parliament, "that the main reformation by" them "intended, was to rob the church," and much applauding himself both for "his forwardnefs" to all due reformation; and his averfenefs from all fuch kind of facrilege. All which, with his glorious title of the "Church's Defender," we leave him to make good by "Pharaoh's divinity," if he pleafe, for to Jofeph's piety it will be a task unfuitable. As for "the parity and poverty of minifters," which he takes to be fo fad of "confequence," the Scripture reckons them for two fpecial legacies left by our Saviour to his disciples; under which two primitive nurses, for fuch they were indeed, the church of God more truly flourished than ever after, fince the time that imparity and church-revenue rufhing in, corrupted and belepered all the clergy with a worfe infection than Gehazi's; fome one of whofe tribe, rather than a king, I fhould take to be compiler of that unfalted and Simonical prayer annexed: although the prayer itself strongly prays against them. For never fuch holy things as he means were given more to fwine, nor the church's bread more to dogs, than when it fed ambitious, irreligious and dumb prelates.

XV. Upon

XV. Upon the many Jealoufies, &c.

TO wipe off jealoufies and fcandals, the best way had been by clear actions, or till actions could be cleared, by evident reafons; but mere words we are too well acquainted with. Had "his honour and reputation been dearer to him" than the luft of reigning, how could the parliament of either nation have laid fo often at his door the breach of words, promises, acts, oaths, and execrations, as they do avowedly in many of their petitions and addreffes to him? Thither I remit the reader. And who can believe that whole parliaments, elected by the people from all parts of the land, fhould meet in one mind and refolution not to advise him, but to confpire against him, in a worse powder-plot than Catesbie's, "toblow up," as he terms it, "the people's affection towards him, and batter down their loyalty by the engines of foul afperfions:" Water-works rather than engines to batter with, yet thofe afperfions were raifed from the foulness of his own actions: whereof to purge himself, he uses no other argument than a general and fo often iterated commendation of himself; and thinks that court holy-water hath the virtue of expiation, at least with the illy people; to whom he familiarly imputes fin where none is, to feem liberal of his forgivenefs where none is afked or needed.

What ways he hath taken toward the profperity of his people, which he would feem "fo earncftly to defire," if we do but once call to mind, it will be enough to teach us, looking on the smooth infinuations here, that tyrants are not more flattered by their flaves, than forced to flatter others whom they fear.

For the people's "tranquillity he would willingly be the Jonah;" but left he should be taken at his word, pretends to forefee within ken two imaginary "winds" never heard of in the compass, which threaten, if he be caft overboard, "to increafe the ftorm;" but that controverfy divine lot hath ended.

“He had rather not rule, than that his people should be ruined" and yet, above these twenty years, hatlı

been

been ruining the people about the niceties of his ruling. He is accurate "to put a difference between the plague of malice and the ague of mistakes; the itch of novelty, and the leprofy of difloyalty." But had he as well known how to diftingnifh between the venerable gray hairs of ancient religion, and the old fcurf of fuperftition, between the wholesome heat of well governing, and the feverous rage of tyrannizing, his judgment in ftate phyfic had been of more authority.

Much he prophefies, "that the credit of thofe men, who have caft black fcandals on him, fhall ere long be quite blafted by the fame furnace of popular obloquy, wherein they fought to caft his name and honour." I believe not that a Romish gilded portraiture gives better oracle than a Babylonish golden image could do, to tell us truly who heated that furnace of obloquy, or who deferves to be thrown in, Nebuchadnezzar or the three

kingdoms. It " gave him great caufe to fufpect his own innocence," that he was oppofed by "fo many who profeffed fingular piety." But this qualm was foon over, and he concluded rather to fufpect their religion than his own innocence, affirming that "many with him were both learned and religious above the ordinary fize. But if his great feal, without the parliament, were not fufficient to create lords, his parole muft needs be far more unable to create learned and religious men; and who fhall authorize his unlearned judgment to point them out?

He gueffes that " many well-minded men were by popular preachers urged to oppose him." But the oppofition undoubtedly proceeded and continues from heads far wifer, and fpirits of a nobler ftrain; thofe priest-led Herodians, with their blind guides, are in the ditch already; travelling, as they thought, to Sion, but moored in the Isle of Wight.

He thanks God "for his conftancy to the proteftant religion both abroad and at home." Abroad, his letter to the pope; at home, his innovations in the church will fpeak his conftancy in religion what it was, without further credit to this vain boast.

His "ufing the affiftance of fome papifts," as the cause

might be, could not hurt his religion; but, in the settling of proteftanifm, their aid was both unfeemly and fufpicious, and inferred that the greateft part of proteftants were againft him and his obtruded fettlement.

But this is strange indeed, that he should appear now teaching the parliament what no man, till this was read, thought ever he had learned, "that difference of perfuafion in religious matters may fall out where there is the fameness of allegiance and fubjection." If he thought fo from the beginning, wherefore was there fuch compulfion ufed to the puritans of England, and the whole realm of Scotland, about conforming to a liturgy? Wherefore no bishop, no king? Wherefore epifcopacy more agreeable to monarchy, if different perfuafions in religion may agree in one duty and allegiance? Thus do court maxims, like court minions, rife or fall as the king pleases.

Not to tax him for want of elegance as a courtier, in writing Oglio for Olla the Spanish word, it might be well affirmed, that there was a greater medley and difproportioning of religions, to mix papifts with proteftants in a religious caufe, than to entertain all thofe diverfified fects, who yet were all proteftants, one religion, though many opinions.

Neither was it any "fhame to proteftants," that he, a declared papist, if his own letter to the pope, not yet renounced, belie him not, found fo few proteftants of his religion, as enforced him to call in both the counsel and the aid of papifts to help eftablish proteftancy, who were led on, not "by the fenfe of their allegiance," but by the hope of his apoftacy to Rome, from difputing to warring; his own voluntary and first appeal.

His hearkening to evil counsellors, charged upon him fo often by the parliament, he puts off as " a device of thofe men, who were fo eager to give him better counfel." That "thofe men" were the parliament, and that he ought to have used the counfel of none but those, as a king, is already known. What their civility laid upon evil counsellors, he himself most commonly owned; but the event of thofe evil counfels, "the enormities, the confufions, the miferies," he transfers from the guilt of his own civil broils to the just refiftance made by parliaVOL. III. ment;

D

ment; and imputes what mifcarriages of his they could not yet remove for his oppofing, as if they were some new misdemeanours of their bringing in, and not the inveterate diseases of his own bad government; which, with a disease as bad, he falls again to magnify and commend and may all thofe who would be governed by "retractions and conceffions," rather than by laws of parliament, admire his felf-encomiums, and be flattered with that "crown of patience," to which he cunningly exhorted them, that his monarchical foot might have the fetting it upon their heads!

his

:

That truft which the parliament faithfully discharged in the afferting of our liberties, he calls, "another artifice to withdraw the people from him to their defigns. What piece of juftice could they have demanded for the people, which the jealoufy of a king might not have mifcalled a defign to difparage his government, and to ingratiate themselves? To be more juft, religious, wife, or magnanimous than the common fort, ftirs up in a tyrant both fear and envy; and ftraight he cries out popularity, which, in his account, is little lefs than treafon. The fum is, they thought to limit or take away the remora of his negative voice, which, like to that little pest at fea, took upon it to arreft and ftop the commonwealth fteering under full fail to a reformation: they thought to fhare with him in the militia, both or either of which he could not poffibly hold without confent of the people, and not be abfolutely a tyrant. He profeffes "to defire no other liberty than what he envies not his fubjects according to law;" yet fought with might and main against his fubjects, to have a fole power over them in his hand, both against and beyond law. As for the philofophical liberty which in vain he talks of, we may conclude him very ill trained up in those free notions, who to civil liberty was fo injurious.

He calls the confcience "God's fovereignty;" why, then, doth he conteft with God about that fupreme title? why did he lay reftraints, and force enlargements upon our confciences in things for which we were to answer God only and the church? God bids us "be fubject for confcience fake," that is, as to a magistrate, and in the

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laws;