help it. The point is not to determine why the lion should not eat sheep, but why men should not eat their own mutton if they can." We defy the Westminster Reviewer to reconcile this passage with the "general happiness principle," as he zow states it. He tells us, that he meant by government, not the people invested with the powers of government, but a mere operation incapable of feeling pleasure or pain. We say, that he meant the people invested with the powers of government, and nothing else. It is true, that ought is not predicable of an operation. But who would ever dream of raising any question about the duties of an operation? What did the Reviewer mean by saying, that a government could not be interested in doing right because it was interested in doing wrong? Can an operation be interested in either? And what did he mean by his comparison about the lion? Is a lion an operation incapable of pain or pleasure? And what did he mean by the expression," other men," so obviously opposed to the word "government?" But let the public judge between us. It is superfluous to argue a point so clear. The Reviewer does indeed seem to feel that his expressions cannot be explained away, and attempts to shuffle out of the difficulty by owning, that "the double meaning of the word government was not got clear of without confusion." He has now, at all events, he assures us, made himself master of Mr. Bentham's philosophy. The real and genuine "greatest happiness principle" is, that the greatest happiness of every individual is identical with the greatest happiness of society; and all other greatest happiness principles" whatever, are Counterfeits. "This," says he, "is the spirit of Mr. Bentham's principle; and if there is any thing opposed to it in any former statement, it may be corrected by the present." Assuredly if a fair and honourable opponent had, in discussing a question so abstruse as that concerning the origin of moral obligation, made some unguarded admission inconsistent with the spirit of his doctrines, we should not be inclined to triumph over him. But no tenderness is due to a writer who, in the very act of confessing his blunders, insults those by whom his blunders have been detected, and accuses them of misunderstanding what, in fact, he has himself misstated. The whole of this transaction illustrates excellently the real character of this sect. A paper comes forth, professing to contain a full development of the "greatest happiness principle," with the latest improvements of Mr. Bentham. The writer boasts that his article has the honour of being the announcement and the organ of this wonderful discovery, which is to make "the bones of sages and patriots stir within their tombs." This "magnificent principle" is then stated thus: Mankind ought to pursue their greatest happiness. But there are persons whose interest is opposed to the greatest happiness of mankind. Ought is not predicable of such persons. For the word ought has no meaning, unless it be used with reference to some interest. We answered, with much more lenity than we should have shown to such nonsense hal it not proceeded, as we supposed, from Mr Bentham, that interest was synonymous with greatest happiness; and that, therefore, if ths word ought has no meaning, unless used with reference to interest, then, to say that mankind ought to pursue their greatest happiness, is simply to say, that the greatest happiness is the greatest happiness; that every individual pursues his own happiness; that either what he thinks his happiness must coincide with the greatest happiness of society or not; that if what he thinks his happiness coincides with the greatest happiness of society, he will attempt to promote the greatest happiness of society, whether he ever heard of the "greatest happiness principle" or not; and that, by the admission of the Westminster Reviewer, if his happiness is inconsistent with the greatest happiness of society, there is no reason why he should promote the greatest happiness of society. Now, that there are individuals who think that for their happiness which is not for the greatest happiness of society is evident. The Westminster Reviewer allowed that some of these individuals were in the right; and did not pretend to give any reason which could induce any one of them to think himself in the wrong. So that the "magnificent principle" turned out to be either a truism or a contradiction in terms; either this maxim. "Do what you do;" or this maxim, "Do what you cannot do." The Westminster Reviewer had the wit to see that he could not defend this palpable nonsense; but, instead of manfully owning that he had misunderstood the whole nature of the "greatest happiness principle" in the summer, and had obtained new light during the autumn, he attempts to withdraw the former principle unobserved, and to substitute another, directly opposed to it, in its place; clamouring all the time against our unfairness, like one who, while changing the cards, diverts the attention of the table from his sleight-of-hand by vociferating charges of foul play against other people. The "greatest happiness principle" for the present quarter is then this, that every individual will best promote his own happiness in this world, religious considerations being left out of the question, by promoting the greatest happiness of the whole species. And this principle, we are told, holds good with respect to kings and aristocracies, as well as with other people. "It is certain that the individual operators in any government, if they were thoroughly intelligent and entered into a perfect calculation of all existing chances, would seek for their own happiness in the promotion of the general; which brings them, if they knew it, under Mr. Bentham's rule. The mistake of supposing the contrary, lies in confounding criminals who have had the luck to escape punishment with those who have the risk still before them. Sup. pose, for instance, a member of the House of Commons were at this moment to debate with in himself whether it would be for his ultimate happiness to begin, according to his ability, to misgovern. If he could be sure of being as ucky as some that are dead and gone, there | tocratical communities, the higher and more might be difficulty in finding him an answer. educated class will, not occasionally, but invaBut he is not sure; and never can be till he is riably, act against its own interest. Now, the dead. He does not know that he is not close only use of proving any thing, as far as we upon the moment when misgovernment, such can see, is that people may believe it. To say as he is tempted to contemplate, will be made that a man does what he believes to be agains a terrible example of. It is not fair to pick his happiness, is a contradiction in terms. If, out the instance of the thief that has died un- therefore, government and laws are to be con. hanged. The question is, whether thieving is stituted on the supposition on which Mr. Mill's at this moment an advisable trade to begin, Essay is founded, that all individuals will, with all the possibilities of hanging not got whenever they have power over others put in. over? This is the spirit of Mr. Bentham's to their hands, act in opposition to the genera! principle; and if there is any thing opposed happiness, then government and laws must be to it in any former statement, it may be cor- constituted on the supposition that no individual rected by the present." believes, or ever will believe, his own happiWe hope that we have now at last got to ness to be identical with the happiness of sothe real "magnificent principle," -to the prin-ciety. That is to say, government and laws ciple which is really to make "the bones of are to be constituted on the supposition that no the sages and patriots stir." What effect it human being will ever be satisfied by Mr. Ben. may produce on the bones of the dead we shall tham's proof of his "greatest happiness prinnot pretend to decide; but we are sure that ciple," -a supposition which may be true it will do very little for the happiness of the enough, but which says little, we think, for the Living. principle in question. In the first place, nothing is more certain than this, that the Utilitarian theory of government, as developed in Mr. Mill's Essay, and in all the other works on the subject which have been put forth by the sect, rests on these two principles, that men follow their interest, and that the interest of individuals may be, and in fact perpetually is, opposed to the interest of society. Unless these two principles be granted, Mr. Mill's Essay does not contain one sound sentence. All his arguments against monarchy and aristocracy, all his arguments in favour of democracy, nay, the very argument by which he shows that there is any necessity for having government at all, must be rejected as utterly But where has this principle been demonstrated? We are curious, we confess, to see this demonstration which is to change the face of the world, and yet is to convince nobody. The most amusing circumstance is, that the Westminster Reviewer himself does not seem to know whether the principle has been demonstrated or not. "Mr. Bentham, he says, "has demonstrated it, or at all events has laid such foundations that there is no trouble in de monstrating it." Surely it is rather strange that such a matter should be left in doubt. The Reviewer proposed, in his former article, a slight verbal emendation in the statement of the principle; he then announced that the principle had received its last improvement; This is so palpable, that even the Westmin- and gloried in the circumstance that the West ster Reviewer, though not the most clear-sight-minster Review had been selected as the organ ed of men, could not help seeing it. Accord- of that improvement. Did it never occur to ingly, he attempts to guard himself against the him that one slight improvement to a doctrine objection, after the manner of such reasoners, is to prove it? by committing two blunders instead of one. "All this," says he, "only shows that the members of a government would do well if they were all-wise;" and he proceeds to tell us, that as rulers are not all-wise, they will invariably act against this principle wherever they can, so that the democratical checks will still be necessary to produce good government. worthless. Mr. Bentham has not demonstrated the "greatest happiness principle," as now stated. He is far too wise a man to think of demon strating any such thing. In those sections of his Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation, to which the Reviewer refers us in his note, there is not a word of the kind. Mr. Bentham says, most truly, that there are no occasions in which a man has not some motives for consulting the happiness of other men; and he proceeds to set forth what those motives are-sympathy on all occasions, and the love of reputation on most occasions. This is the very doctrine which we have been maintaining against Mr. Mill and the Westminster Reviewer. The principle charge which we brought against Mr. Mill was, that those motives to which Mr. Bentham ascribes so much influence, were quite left out of consideration in his theory. The Westminster Reviewer, in the very arti cle now before us, abuses us for saying, in the The whole argument of the Utilitarians, in spirit and almost in the words of Mr. Bentham, favour of universal suffrage, proceeds on the that "there is a certain check to the rapacity supposition that even the rudest and most un- and cruelty of men in their desire of the good educated men cannot, for any length of time, opinion of others." But does this principle, in be deluded into acting against their own true which we fully agree with Mr. Bentham, go the interest. Yet now they tell us that, in all aris-length of the new "greatest happiness princi No form which human folly takes is so richly and exquisitely laughable as the spectacle of an Utilitarian in a dilemma. What earthly good can there be in a principle upon which no man will act until he is all-wise? A certain most important doctrine, we are told, has been demonstrated so clearly, that it ought to be the foundation of the science of government. And yet the whole frame of government is to be constituted exactly as if this fundamental doctrine were false, and on the supposition that no human being will ever act as if he believed it to be true! ple?" The question is not whether men have Rome motives for promoting the greatest happiness, but whether the stronger motives be those which impel them to promote the greatest happiness. That this would always be the case, if men knew their own worldly interests, is the assertion of the Reviewer. As he expresses some doubt whether Mr. Bentham has demon-penses, active in the transaction of business, strated this or not, we would advise him to set the point at rest by giving his own demonstration. A king, says the Reviewer again, would go vern well if he were wise, for fear of provok ing his subjects to insurrection. Therefore, the true happiness of a king is identical with the greatest happiness of society. Tell Charles II that if he will be constant to his queen, sober at table, regular at prayers, frugal in his ex if he will drive the herd of slaves, buffoons, and procurers from Whitehall, and make the happiness of his people the rule of his conduct, The Reviewer has not attempted to give a he will have a much greater chance of reigngeneral composition of the "greatest happiness ing in comfort to an advanced age; that his Frinciple" but he has tried to prove that it profusion and tyranny have exasperated his holds good in one or two particular cases. subjects, and may, perhaps, bring him to an And even in those particular cases he has end as terrible as his father's. He might an. utterly failed. A man, says he, who calcu-swer, that he saw the danger, but that life was lated the chances fairly, would perceive that not worth having without ease and vicious it would be for his gatest happiness to ab- pleasures. And what has our philosopher to stain from stealing; for a thief runs a greater risk of being hanged than an honest man. It would have been wise, we think, in the Westminster Reviewer, before he entered on a discussion of this sort, to settle in what human happiness consists. Each of the ancient sects of philosophy held some tenet on this subject which served for a distinguishing badge. The summum bonum of the Utilitarians, as far as we can judge from the passage which we arc now considering, is the not being hanged. say? Does he not see that it is no more possible to reason a man out of liking a short life and a merry one more than a long life and a dull one, than to reason a Greenlander out of his train oil? We may say that the tastes of the thief and the tyrant differ from ours; but what right have we to say, looking at this world alone, that they do not pursue their greatest happiness very judiciously? It is the grossest ignorance of human nature to suppose that another man calculates the That it is an unpleasant thing to be hanged, chances differently from us, merely because we most willingly concede to our brother. But he does what, in his place, we should not do that the whole question of happiness or misery Every man has tastes and propensities, which resolves itself into this single point, we cannot he is disposed to gratify at a risk and expense, so easily admit. We must look at the thing which people of different temperaments and hapurchased, as well as the price paid for it. A bits think extravagant. "Why," says Horace, thief, assuredly, runs a greater risk of being "does one brother like to lounge in the forum, hanged than a labourer; and so an officer in to play in the Campus, and to anoint himself the army runs a greater risk of being shot than in the baths, so well, that he would not put a banker's clerk; and a governor of India runs himself out of his way for all the wealth of the a greater risk of dying of cholera than a lord richest plantations of the East; while the other of the bedchamber. But does it therefore fol- toils from sunrise to sunset for the purpose of low that every man, whatever his habits or increasing his fortune?" Horace attributes the feelings may be, would, if he knew his own diversity to the influence of the Genius and the happiness, become a clerk rather than a cor- natal star: and eighteen hundred years have net, or goldstick in waiting rather than go- taught us only to disguise our ignorance bevernor of India? neath a more philosophical language. Nothing can be more absurd than to suppose, like the Westminster Reviewer, that thieves steal oniy because they do not calcuLate the chances of being hanged as correctly as honest men. It never seems to have occurred to him as possible, that a man may so greatly prefer the life of a thief to the life of a labourer, that he may determine to brave the risk of detection and punishment, though he may even think that risk greater than it really is. And how, on Utilitarian principles, is such a man to be convinced that he is in the wrong? “You will be found out."-"Undoubtedly." "You will be hanged within two years."-"I expect to be hanged within one year."- "Then why do you pursue this lawless mode of life?" -"Because I would rather live for one year with plenty of money, dressed like a gentleman, eating and drinking of the best, frequenting public places, and visiting a dashing mistress, than break stones on the road, or sit down to the loom, with the certainty of attaining a good old age. It is my humour. Are you answered?" We think, therefore, that the Westminster Reviewer, even if we admit his calculation of the chances to be right, does not make out his case. But he appears to us to miscalculate chances more grossly than any person who ever acted or speculated in this world. "It is for the happiness," says he, "of a member of the House of Commons to govern well; for he never can tell that he is not close on the moment when misgovernment will be terribly punished: if he was sure that he should be as lucky as his predecessors, it might be for his happiness to misgovern; but he is not sure." Certainly a member of Parliament is not sure that he shall not be torn in pieces by a mob, or guillotined by a revolutionary tribunal, for his opposition to reform. Nor is the Westminster Reviewer sure that he shall not be hanged for writing in favour of universal suffrage. We may have democratical massacres. We may also have aristocratical proscriptions. It is not very likely, thank God, that we should see either. But the radical, we think, runs as much danger as the aristocrat. As to our We say, that if men cannot be trusted to follow their own interest, when that interes! has been demonstrated to them, then the Utili tarian arguments, in favour of universal suf frage, are good for nothing. We say, that the "greatest happiness prin ciple" has not been proved; that it cannot be generally proved; that even in the particular cases selected by the Reviewer it is not clear that the principle is true; and that many cases might be stated in which the common sense of mankind would at once pronounce it to be false. friend, the Westminster Reviewer, he, it must We say, that those who hold this principle be owned, has as good a right as any man on to be sound, must be prepared to maintain, his side, "Antoni gladios contemnere." But take either that monarchs and aristocracies may be the man whose votes, ever since he has sate trusted to govern the community, or else tha in Parliament, have been the most uniformly men cannot be trusted to follow their own inte bad, and oppose him to the man whose votes rest, when that interest is demonstrated to have been the most uniformly good. The them. Westminster Reviewer would probably select Mr. Sadler and Mr. Hume. Now, does any rational man think,-will the Westminster Reviewer himself say, that Mr. Sadler runs more risk of coming to a miserable end, on account of his public conduct, than Mr. Hume! Mr. Sadler does not know that he is not close on the moment when he will be made an example of; for Mr. Sadler knows, if possible, less about the future than about the past. But he has no more reason to expect that he shall be made an example of, than to expect that London will be swallowed up by an earthquake next spring; and it would be as foolish in him to act on the former supposition as on the latter. There is a risk; for there is a risk of every thing which does not involve a contradiction; but it is a risk from which no man in his wits would give a shilling to be insured. Yet our Westminster Reviewer tells us, that this risk alone, apart from all considerations of religion, honour, or benevolence, would, as a matter of mere calculation, induce a wise member of the House of Commons to refuse any emoluments which might be offered him as the price of his support to pernicious mea sures. We have hitherto been examining cases proposed by our opponent. It is now our turn to propose one, and we beg that he will spare no wisdom in solving it. A thief is condemned to be hanged. On the eve of the day fixed for the execution, a Turnkey enters his cell, and tells him that all is safe, that he has only to slip out, that his friends are waiting in the neighbourhood with disguises, and that a passage is taken for him in an American packet. Now, it is clearly for the greatest happiness of society that the thief should be hanged, and the corrupt turnkey exposed and punished. Will the Westminster Reviewer tell us, that it is for the greatest happiness of the thief to summon the head jailer, and tell the whole story? Now, either it is for the greatest happiness of the thief to be hanged, or it is not. If it is, then the argument, by which the Westminster Reviewer attempts to prove, that men do not promote their own happiness by thieving, falls to the ground. If it is not, then there are men whose greatest happiness is at variance with the greatest happiness of the community. To sum up our arguments shortly, we say, that the "greatest happiness principle," as now stated, is diametrically opposed to the principle stated in the Westminster Review three months ago. We say, that if the "greatest happiness principle," as now stated, be sound, Mr. Mill's Essay, and all other works concerning government, which, like that essay, proceed on the supposition, that individuals may have an interest opposed to the greatest happiness of society, are fundamentally erroneous. We now leave the Westminster Reviewer to alter and amend his "magnificent principle" as he thinks best. Unlimited, it is false. Properly limited, it will be barren. The "greatest happiness principle" of the 1st of July, as far as we could discern its meaning through a cloud of rodomontade, was, an idle truism. The "greatest happiness principle" of the 1st of October is, in the phrase of the American newspapers, "important if true." But unhap pily it is not true. It is not our business to conjecture what new maxim is to make the bones of sages and patriots stir on the 1st of December. We can only say, that, unless it be something infinitely more ingenious than its two predecessors, we shall leave it unmclested. The Westminster Reviewer may, if he pleases, indulge himself like Sultan Schahriar, with espousing a rapid succession of virgin theories. But we must beg to be excused from playing the part of the vizier, who regularly attended on the day after the wedding to strangle the new sultana. The Westminster Reviewer charges us with urging it as an objection to the "greatest happiness principle," that, “it is included in the Christian morality." This is a mere fiction of his own. We never attacked the morality of the gospel. We blamed the Utilitarian for claiming the credit of a discovery, when they had merely stolen that morality, and spoiled it in the stealing. They have taken the precept of Christ, and left the motive; and they de mand the praise of a most wonderful and bene. ficial invention, when all that they have done has been to make a most useful maxim useless by separating it from its sanction. On religious principles, it is true that every individual will best promote his own happiness by promoting the happiness of others. But if re ligious considerations be left out of the ques tion, it is not true. If we do not reason on the supposition of a future state, where is the mo tive? If we do reason on that supposition where is the discovery? The Westminster Reviewer tells us, that " we wish to see the science of government unsettled, because we see no prospect of a settlement which accords with our interests." His angry eagerness to have questions settled resembles that of a judge in one of Dryden's When we blamed them for talking nonsense, they cried out that they were insulted for being reformers,-just as poor Ancient Pistol swore that the scars which he had received from the cudgel of Fluellen were got in the Gallia wars. We, however, did not think it desirable to mix up political questions, about which the public mind is violently agitated, with a great problem in moral philosophy. Our notions about government are not, however, altogether unsettled. We have an opinion about parliamentary reform, though we have not arrived at that opinion by the royal road which Mr. Mill has opened for the ex plays--the Amphitryon, we think-who wishes | ex officio informations. 'o decide a cause after hearing only one party, and when he has been at last compelled to listen to the statement of the defendant, flies into a passion, and exclaims, "There now, sir! see what you have done. The case was quite clear a minute ago; and you must come and puzzle it!" He is the zealot of a sect. We are searchers after truth. He wishes to have the question settled. We wish to have it sifted first. The querulous manner in which we have been blamed for attacking Mr. Mill's system, and propounding no system of our cwn, reminds us of the horror with which that shallow dogmatist, Epicurus, the worst parts of whose nonsense the Utilitarians have at-plorers of political science. As we are taking tempted to revive, shrank from the keen and searching scepticism of the second Academy. It is not our fault that an experimental science of vast extent does not admit of being settled by a short demonstration;-that the subtilty of nature, in the moral as in the phy- Our fervent wish, and, we will add, our sansical world, triumphs over the subtilty of syllo-guine hope, is, that we may see such a reform gism. The quack who declares on affidavit that, by using his pills, and attending to his printed directions, hundreds who had been dismissed incurable from the hospitals have renewed their youth like the eagles, may, perhaps, think that Sir Henry Halford, when he feels the pulses of patients, inquires about their symptoms, and prescribes a different remedy to each, is unsettling the science of medicine for the sake of a fee. leave, probably for the last time, of this controversy, we will state very concisely what our doctrines are. On some future occasion we may, perhaps, explain and defend them at length. in the House of Commons as may render its votes the express image of the opinion of the middle orders of Britain. A pecuniary quali fication we think absolutely necessary; and in settling its amount, our object would be to draw the line in such a manner that every decent farmer and shopkeeper might possess the elective franchise. We should wish to see an end put to all the advantages which parti cular forms of property possess over other If, in the course of this controversy, we have forms, and particular portions of property over refrained from expressing any opinion respect- other equal portions. And this would content ing the political institutions of England, it is us. Such a reform would, according to Mr. not because we have not an opinion, or be- Mill, establish an aristocracy of wealth, and cause we shrink from avowing it. The Utili- leave the community without protection, and tarians, indeed, conscious that their boasted exposed to all the evils of unbridled power. theory of government would not bear investi- Most willingly would we stake the whole con gation, were desirous to turn the dispute about troversy between us on the success of the exMr. Mill's Essay into a dispute abort the whigperiment which we propose. party, rotten boroughs. paid magistrates, and |