"I have never made any proteftation whatever but in the Memorial left by me at my departure.

"This proteftation, as may be eafily perceived, does not contain any objection to the principles of the Constitution, but only with refpect to the form of fan&tion, that is to fay, in regard to the little liberty which I appeared to enjoy. As the Decrees were not prefented in a body, I could not judge of the whole defign of the fabric of the Constitution. The principal objection contained in this Memorial regards the difficulties attendant on Adminiftration and Execution,

"I perceived in the course of my journey, that the public cpinion was decidedly in favour of the Conftitution. I was not before able, during my ftay in Paris, to make myfelf acquainted with this circumstance; but from the ideas I have been able to form perfonally in my route, I am convinced how much it is neceffary to give the proper energy to the powers established for the maintenance of public order.

"As foon as I knew the public with, I did not hesitate, and I fhall never hesitate to mke the facrifice of every thing that regards myself, to procure the good of the people, which has ever been the first object of my wishes.

"I fhall willingly forget all the difagreeable circumftances which have occurred, that I may thus enfure the peace and tranquillity of the Nation."

The King, after having read the prefent Declaration, has obferved that he omitted to add, that the Governante of his Son, and the Ladies in the Queen's retinue, were not informed of his intentions till a fhort time before their departure; and the King has figned thus Declaration in company with us.

"I declare that the King being drous of quitting Paris with his children, nothing in nature could have diffuaded me from following him : and that I never will confent to quit him, my whole conduct for these two years part has given fufficient proofs.

"I was confirmed in my determination to follow him, from the confidence and perfuafion which I had, that he would never leave the kingdom. Had he been fo inclined, all my influence would have been exerted to prevent him.

"The Governefs of my daughter, who had been indifpofed for five weeks, did not receive orders for departure till the preceding evening. She had not even taken any clothes with her. I was obliged to lend her fomeshe was abfolutely ignorant of our destination.

"The three Couriers neither knew the deftination nor the object of the journeythey were fupplied, from time to time, with money upon the road, and received our orders as we proceeded. The two femmes de chambre did not receive orders till the moment of our departure-one of them, whose husband was in the Palace, had not an op、 portunity of seeing him.

"Monfieur and Madame feparated from us, and took the road to Mons, merely to avoid embarraffinent, and to prevent delay from the want of horfes upon the roadthey were to rejoin us in France. We went out of the Palace by paffing through the apartment of M. Villequier; and, that we might not be perceived, we went feparately and at fome diftance of time from each other.

(Signed)

"MARIA ANTOINETTE,

"TRONCHET.
"ANDRIAN DUPORT,
"DANDRE."

The report of thefe Royal declarations was not heard without fome mur mur in the Affembly; and several members were for proceeding to an immediate difcuffion of them. But on the fuggef tion of M. Chabroud, that they should not be taken into confideration without being coupled with the proceedings of the tribunals of the Arrondiffement des Thuilleries (which is to examine the other prifoners), the debate was adjourned to a future day.

On the 26th June ended the permanent fitting of the National Affembly, which continued without intermiffion one hundred and twenty-feven hours, the Mem bers relieving each other while they took their rell and refreshed themselves, It began on Tuesday the 21ft, and lafted until Sunday at half paft three o'clock.

STATE

STATE

No. I.

MIMOIR, OF PROCLAMATION, left by the FRENCH KING, and prefented to the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY of FRANCE on TUESDAY, JUNE 21, 1791. WHILE the King had any hope of feeing order and happiness restored, by the means employed by the National Affembly, and by his refidence near the Affembly, no facrifice would have appeared to him too great, which might conduce to such an event; be would not even have mentioned his own perfonal deprivation of liberty, from the month of October 1789. But at prefent, when the refult of every tranfaction is only the destruction of Royalty, the violation of property, and the endangering of perfons; when there is an entire anarchy through every part of the Empire, without the leaft appearance of any authority fufficient to controul it; the King, after protefting against all the acts performed by him during his captivity, thinks it his duty to fubmit to the French nation the following account of his conduct.

In the month of July 1789, the King, he de lares it upon his confcience, had no fear on coming amongst the Parifians. In the month of October of the fanie year, being advifed of the conduct of fome factious perfons, he apprehended that his departure might afford them a pretence for fomenting a civil war. All the world is informed of the impunity with which crimes were then committed. The King, yielding to the wth of the army of the Parisians, came with his family, and established his refidence at the Thuilleries. No preparations had been made for his reception, and the King was fo far from finding the accommodations to which he had been accustomed, that he was even without the comforts common to perfons of any condition.

Notwithstanding every constraint, he thought it his duty, on the morning after his arrival, to affure the provinces of his intenton to remain in Paris. A facrifice ftill more difficult was referved for him; he was compelled to part with his body guards, whole fidelity he had experienced: two bad heen maffacred, and feveral wounded, while in obedience to the order which they had received not to fire. All the art of the facbonus was employed in mifreprefenting the conduct of a faithful wife, who was then confiming all her former good conduct; it was even evident, that all their machinations were directed against the King himself. It was to the foldiers of the French guard of the Parifian National guard that the VOL. XX.

Cuftody of the King was committed, under the orders of the Municipality of Paris.

The King thus faw himself a prifoner in his own State; for in what other condition could he be, who was forcibly furrounded by per

fons whom he fufpected? It is not for the purpose of cenfuring the Parifian National guard, that I recal thefe circumstances, but for that of giving an exact statement of facts; on the contrary I do juftice to their attachment, when they were not acted upon by factious perfons.-The King convened the States General; granted to the Tiers Etat a double representation; the union of the Orders, the facrifices of the 23d of June were all his work, but his cares were not understood. When the States-General gave themfelves the name of the National Affembly, it may be recollected how much influence the factious had upon several provinces, how many endeavours were used to overcome the principle, that the confirmation of the laws fhould be given in concert with the King.

The Affembly ejected the King from the Conftitution, when they refufed him the right of fan&tioning the conflitutional laws, and permitted themselves to arrange in that clafs thofe which they pleased, at the fame time limiting the extent of his refufal, in any inftance, to the third legiflature. They voted him 25 millions per annum, à fum which was totally abforbed by the expences neceffary to the dignity of his Houfe. They left him the use of fome domains under certain restrictions, depriving him of the patrimony of his ancestors; they were careful not to include in the lift of his expences thofe for fervices done to himself, as if they could be feparated from those rendered to the State.

Whoever obferves the different traits of the Administration, will perceive, that the King was excluded from it. He had no part in the completion of laws; his only privilege was, to request the Affembly to occupy themfelves upon fuch and such fubjects. As to the administration of justice, he could only execute the decrees of the Judges, and appoint Commiffioners, whofe power is much lefs confiderable than that of the ancient Attorney-General.

There remained one last prerogative, the most acceptable of the whole, that of pardoning criminals, and changing punishments : you took it from the King, and the Juries are now authorized to interpret, according to their pleafure, the fenfe of the law. Thus is the Royal Majefty diminished, to which the people were accustomed to recur, as to one common centre of goodness and beneficence, I

The

The Societies of Friends of the Conftitution are by much the strongest power, and render void the actions of all others. The King was declared the Head of the Army; yet the whole conduct of it has been in the Committees of the National Affembly, with out any participation: to the King was granted the right of nomination to certain places, but his choice has already met with oppofition. He has been obliged to alter the duty of the General Officers of the army, becaufe his choice was not approved of by the Clubs.

It is to these that the revolt of feveral regiments is to be imputed. When the army no longer refpects its officers, it is the terror and the fcourge of the State; the King has always thought that officers fhould be punishedlike the foldiers, and that thefe latter fhould have opportunities of promotion according to their merit.

As to foreign affairs, they have granted to the King the nomination of Ambasladors, and the conduct of negociations; but they have taken from him the right of making war, The right of making peace is entirely of another fort. What power would enter into a negotiation when they knew that the refult must be fubject to the revifion of the National Affembly? Independent of the neceffity for a degree of fecrecy, which it is impoffible fhould be preferved in the delibera tions of the Affembly, no one will treat but with a perfon, who, without any intervention, is able to fulfil the contract that may be agreed upon.

With respect to the finances, the King had recognized, before the States General, the right of the Nation to grant fubfidies; and, on the 23d of June, he granted every thing required from him upon this fubject. On the 4th of February the King intreated the Affembly to take the finances into their confideration, with which they fomewhat flowly complied. But they have not yet formed an exact account of the receipt and expenditure; they have adopted hypothetical calculations; the ordinary contribution is in arrear, and the refource of twelve hundred millions of affignats is nearly perfected. Nothing is left to the King but barren nominations; he knows the difficulty of fuch a government; and, if it was poffible that fuch a machine could go on without his immediate fuperintendance, his Majesty would only have to regret, that he had not diminished the taxes, which he has always defired, and, but for the American war, fhould have effected.

The King was declared the head of the Government of the kingdom, and he has been unable to change any thing without the

tion was almost completed; the tumults of the Revolution were about to ceafe; and the enemies of the public welfare were eager, therefore, to facrifice the whole nation to their vengeance. The King and the Royal Family were carried off on the 21ft inkt.

[When this part of the Addrefs was read in the Affembly, there was a murmur of difcontent. The Reporter of the Committee of Conftitution, in which it had been drawn up, requested that it might be heard with attention, and the Members became filent.]

But your Representatives will triumph over all thefe obftacles. They estimate calmly the extent of the duties imposed upon them. The public liberty fhall be maintained; confpirators and flaves fhall understand the intrepidity of the French Nation, and we make, in the name of the Nation, a folemn engagement to revenge the law or die.

France would be free, and the shall be so. It is intended to make the Revolution recede, but it recedes not. It is the effect of your will, and nothing can retard its progrefs. It is neceffary to accommodate the law to the state of the kingdom. The King, in the conftitution, exercises the power of the Royal fanction over the Decrees of the Legiflative Body; he is the head of the Executive Power, and, in that capacity, caufes the laws to be executed by his Minifter.

If he quits his poft, although carried off against his will, the Reprefentatives of the Nation have the right to fupply his place. The National Affembly has in confequence decreed, that the Seal of State, and the fignature of the Minifters of Justice, shall be added to all its Decrees to give them the character of laws. As no order of the King would have been executed without being counterfigned by the responsible Minister, nothing was neceflary but a fimple delegation by the Assembly to authorise him to sign the orders, and thofe only iffued by them. In this circumftance they have been directed by the conftitutional law relative to a Regency, which authorifes them to perform the func tions of the Executive Power until the nomination of a Regent.

By these measures your Representatives have ensured order in the interior part of the kingdom; and, to repulfe any attack from without, they add to the army a reinforcement of three hundred thousand National Guards.

The Citizens then have, on all fides, the means of fecurity. Let them not be overcome by their furprize; the Constituent Affembly is upon its duty; the conftituted Powers are in activity; the Citizens of Paris, the National Guards, whofe patriotism J 2

and

and fidelity are above all praise, watch round your Representatives; the active Citizens throughout the kingdom are in arms, and France may wait for its enemies.

Are they to fear the confequences of a writing forced, before his departure, from a feduced King? It is difficult to conceive the ignorance and blindness that have dictated this writing, which may deserve to be further difcuffed hereafter; at present, your Reprefentatives content themselves with examining fome particular fentiments.

The National Affembly has made a folemn Proclamation of political truths, and of rights, the acknowledgment of which will one day produce the happiness of the human race to engage them to renounce this declaration of rights, the theory of Дlavery itself has been prefented to them.

Frenchmen! we have no fear in recalling to your memories the famous day of the 23d of july 1789; that day, on which the chief of the Executive Power, the firit publie functionary of the nation, dared to dictate his abfolute will to your Reprefentatives, charged by your orders to form a Conftitution. The National Affembly lamented the diforders committed on the 5th of October, and ordered the profecution of the perfons guilty of them; but, because it was difficult to discover fome rioters amongst fuch a multitude of people, they are said to have approved all their crimes. The nation is, however, more juft. It has not reproached Louis XVI. with the violences that have occurred under his reign and those of his ancestors.

They are not afraid to call to your recollection the Federation of July. What are the statements of the perfons who have dictated the Letter of the King with respect to this auguft act? That the first public func. tionary was obliged to put himself at the head of the Reprefen atives of the Nation. In the midst of the Deputies of all the kingdom, be took a folemn oath to maintain the ConAitution. If the King does not hereafter declare, that his good faith has been furprized by feditious perfons, he has, of courte, announced bis own perjury to the whole world! Is it neceffary to go through the fatigue of answering the other reproaches of this Letter?

The King is faid to have experienced fome inconveniences in his refidence in Paris, and not to have found the fame pleafures as formerly; by which it is implied, no doubt, that a Nation ought to regenerate itself without any agitation, without disturbing for an inftant the pleafures and the indulgencies of Courts. As to the addreffes of congratulation and adherence to your Decrees, these,

fay they, are the works of the factious. Yes-no doubt, of TWENTY-SIX MILLIONS of the factious!

It was neceflary to re-conftitute all powers, because all the powers were corrupted, and because the alarming debts accumulated by the defpotifm and the diforders of Govern. ment would have overwhelmed the nation. But does not Royalty exift for the people? And if a great Nation obliges itself to maintain it, is it not folely because it is believed to be useful? The Conftitution has left to the King this glorious prerogative, and has confirmed to him the only authority which he thould defire to exercife. Would not your Reprefentatives have been culpable, if they had fa crificed twenty-fix millions to the interest of one man?

The labour of citizens fupports the power of the State: but the maxim of abfolutę power is to confider the public contributions as a debt paid to defpotiim. The National Affembly has regulated its expences with the stricteft justice; they thought themselves bound, when acting in the name of the Nation, to act munificently; and when they were to determine what part of the public contributions should be allowed to the first functionary, thirty millions were allotted for him and the Royal Family; but this is reprefented as a trifling fum !

The Decrees upon the fubject of Peace and War have taken from the King and his Minifters the power of facrificing the people to the caprices of Courts, and the definitive ratification of Treaties is referved to the Reprefentatives of the Nation. The lofs of a Prerogative is complained of. What Prerogative? That of not being obliged to confuit the national will, when the blood and the fortuneș of Citizens were to be facrificed. Who can know the with and the interefts of the Nation better than the Legislative Body? It is wifhed to make war with impunity. But have we not had, under the ancient Government, fufficient experience of the terrible ef. fects produced by the ambition of Minifters ?

We are accufed of having despoiled the King, in forming the Judicial Power, as if he, King of a great nation, ought to appear in the administration of juttice for any other purpote than that of caufing the law to be obferved, and its judgments executed. It is wished that he should have the right of granting pardons and changing punishments; hut does not all the world know, how fuch a right would be exercifed, and upon whom the benefit of it would fall? The King could not exercife it by himself, and after having probibited Royal defpotifm, it was very natural to prohibit that of the Minifters.

The neceffity of circumstances has fore