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observations, which, however, the repeated vices of the age have in the performance of duty, rendered imperiously necessary. To do justice to certain important subjects, line must be upon line, and precept upon precept.

I hope I shall be excused adding, (the reflection is not without satisfaction)-That it is not impossible after my course in this stage of existence shall be finished, this work may be referred to for many valuable documents; as a protest against the corruptions of the times, and as a defence of those principles which are of the last importance to individual and national happiness.

In parting with my readers, the majority of whom I consider as friends, partial to my general opinions and to the style in which I have expressed them, it cannot excite surprise if I am sensibly affected; I beg leave to take my farewell in the language of some of our great moralists, who have expressed themselves on similar occasions, so much better than it is possible for me to do, that I shall not make the attempt.

"There are few things not purely evil, of which we can say "without some emotion of uneasiness, this is the last! Even "those who never could agree together, shed tears when mutual "discontent has determined them to final separation. Of a place "which has been frequently visited though without pleasure, the last "look is taken with heaviness of heart"."

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"Time who is now dating my last paper, will shortly moulder "the hand that is now writing it in the dust, and still the breast "that now throbs at the reflection: but let not this be read as something that relates only to another; for a few years only can "divide the eye that is now reading from the hand that has written. "This awful truth, however obvious, and however reiterated, is yet frequently forgotten; for surely, if we did not lose our re"membrance or at least our sensibility, that view would always predominate in our lives, which alone can afford us comfort when we die."+

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66

Harlow, July 29, 1811.

BENJAMIN FLOWER.

* Dr. Johnson's Idler, Vol. II. No. 103.

† Dr. Hawkesworth's Adventurer, Vol. IV. No. 140.

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HIS

IS Royal Highness the Prince of Wales has at length assumed the regal authority in the mode provided by the two houses of parliament. From the long debates on this subject it was evident, even to the most common observer, that the majority of the two principal parties, the administration and the opposition, took the part they judged the best calculated to promote their own interests. The former, tremblingly alive at the idea of losing their places, made use of every means in their power to delay the dreadful day on which they would be compelled to resign, and endeavoured by their restrictions on the government of the Regent, to deprive their successors of a considerable portion of that influence, in which it seems it was agreed by both parties, the strength of government, that is of their favourite mode of government, principally consists.

Judging from existing circumstances, it appears that the Prince Regent has been somewhat puzzled as to the manner in which he should exercise the important trust vested in him by the representative bodies of the people. It was generally supposed, although we all along entertained suspicions on the subject, that his royal highness would choose an entire new set of counsellors. It appears that Lord HOLLAND had been favoured with frequent and long conferences with his royal highness, and it was supposed by many that his lordship would occupy the first place in the new administration; but previous to the final settlement of the regency, the public were informed by the editors of the daily prints which are supposed to be the channels of authentic intelligence from the opposition quarter, that Lords GRENVILLE, and GREY had within a very few days of the installation of the Regent, received his royal highness's commands to form a list of members for a new administration. These commands were, however, shortly revoked, and a letter from his royal highness to Mr. Perceval announced to the latter, his resolu

VOL. IX,

enlightened men in Spain, cannot be doubted. Our Miscellany for the present month affords an instance well worthy the attention of our readers; but all exceptions of the latter description, seem to be only drops of water in the ocean of ignorance, bigotry, stupidity, and indifference !*

Our limits will only allow us to glance at the state of the continent. In answer to all the confident expectations of success expressed in the speech of ministers, we cannot help seriously.

Just as we had penned the above remarks, we perceived the following letter, written by a person on the theatre of action. We copy it from the Star of Feb. 20, a print tolerably impartial, but which rather leans to the ministerial side.

Extract of a Letter, dated Lisbon, Feb. 3.

"The ardour of the Spaniards, on which so much has been built in the hopes of England, is nearly exhausted. We still indeed hear reports of exertions; but the exertions are no where to be found. During this mighty struggle, scarcely one Spaniard of sufficient weight has appeared to embody the powers inherent in Spain against the common foe. This was expected by many as the natural consequence of a worn-out monarchy, a weak nobility, and people full of prejudices, with a religious antipathy to the assistance of foreigners under protestant commanders.-More would have. been done in Spain, had we sent only arms, money, and ammunition. One man indeed made a splendid, but solitary exception, the Marquis de Romana. His death is deeply felt by us. He was loyal to his country, and friendly to the English.

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"In Catalonia, Valentia, and Granada the sparks of hatred to the French are alive, but they never will be lighted up into a flame of resistance.— Blake has been defeated by a very inferior force under Sebastiani. His army is dispersed, and is retreating to Cadiz, against which the preparations are increasing every day.-Lord Wellington has made every exertion in his power. Whether his conduct has been according to the rules of mili-. tary science is doubted by many; but, in my opinion, new circumstances require new modes of warfare. Our retreats after victories give the foe handle to boast of success. We gain the honour, they gain the country. We are not in want of provisions. We are well supplied, both in this city and in the army. Should they attack us in our formidable lines, they can expect no success, unless they determine to make an immense sacrifice. The motto of Massena is- A throne or a grave.' If we are defeated, the blow is fatal; if he is repulsed, his retreat is open through a strong country, and he would be sure of reinforcements. His plan of subjugating Portugal would not then be abandoned.-Mortier, with about 12,000 men from the South, is in Spanish Estramadura. A part of his force surrounded 4000 Spaniards in Oliviera, a neglected fortress in the Guadiana, below Badajos. The place surrendered at discretion, it is said for want of provisions. You must not be surprised to hear that the same fate has attended Badajos. Thus we are straitened every day.. It is scarcely to be conceived that the enemy should bring such a force into Portugal, without a single diversion made by the Spaniards. We have one consolation: the fault is not ours."

urging our countrymen to review the additions made to the dominions and power of France during the last campaign. Not only the ministerial, but some of the opposition leaders, (the hon. Mr. LAMBE in particular,) encourage us to persevere in the war, and seriously hint that the war has " lagged on the part of France;" and yet during the last campaign, HOLLAND, those important commercial depots termed the HANS TOWNS, and the whole territory, situated between the EMS, and the ELBE have been formally annexed to France, and our ministers have formally denounced the inhabitants of these countries as enemies: SWEDEN has elected a French general for the heir to the throne: the conquest of SPAIN and PORTUGAL is nearly completed! What rational prospect can any impartial, thinking man entertain of the affairs of the continent being ameliorated, by sacrificing an additional army of 30, or 40,000 men, and squandering another fifty millions of money? Negociation for peace is our first, our most imperious duty, equally demanded by our safety and our interest, yes, and by our honour too; for as the close of every campaign has placed France on higher ground than the close of the preceding, so, if we are not much mistaken, the ensuing campaign will terminate in a manner equally unfortunate. The state of our commerce, of our paper circulation, our increasingly oppressive taxation, the state of IRELAND, all loudly demand PEACE; and the experience of the last campaign affords an additional illustration of the melancholy truth we have so repeatedly urged on the attention of our countrymen,-That all attempts on the part of this country to abridge by force of arms the power and the influence of France on the continent, will most assuredly end in their increase !-To this repeated assertion, we now beg leave to add our firm persuasion, that, however, loudly our war-loving statesmen may talk of our national honour and interest, both of which they have during the past thirty years so repeatedly sacrificed, it is possible, if not probable, that we may now, be able to make peace on better terms than at the close of another campaign. The experiment at all events ought to be tried: if unsuccessful, it might have this happy result:-The odium of persevering in an unjust war, and of refusing to attend to reasonable terms of peace, would be shifted from the shoulders of our rulers to those of NAPOLEON.

"The capture of the isles of Bourbon, and of Amboyna," announced in the speech, and to which have been since added, the capture of the isle of France, may be urged by a few state simpletons, as arguments for our perseverance in the war. That these conquests may be attended with certain temporary advantages, we are by no means disposed to deny; but the principal use a wise statesman would make of them would be to throw them as weights

in the scale of negociation, and by this means procure better terms of peace, than we could otherwise expect: but of what use are these conquests towards effecting the grand object of the war, THE DELIVERANCE OF EUROPE? Let the framers of the treaty of Amiens answer the question: almost the whole of our foreign conquests were given up, as the price of peace; every object for the attainment of which so much blood had been shed, and so much treasure lavished was relinquished; our allies were ruined, and the enemy left in possession of his enormously extended dominious. As that sage, pure, Pittite statesman, Lord LIVERPOOL observed, when apologising for the treaty;" That it was for the interest of Britain to restore to France her colonies," we doubt not but the same argument will be repeated, should his lordship be employed as one of the manufacturers of the next treaty. Is it possible thereføre that our countrymen can be deluded to carry on the war for the sake of foreign colonies? If this were unhappily to prove the case, and those we have obtained, should be the means of prolonging the war for one twelvemonth, we should have no scruple in terming all such conquests,-not a blessing, but a CURSE!

ADDRESS OF THE CITY OF LONDON TO THE PRINCE REGENT.

The admirable address of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Common Council of the City of LONDON presented to the Prince Regent, may be considered as a sort of model for addresses on this occasion. If there is any omission it is on the subject of the war; we earnestly wish, for the reasons we have already stated, that our countrymen were duly impressed with a sense of the danger of persevering in a worse than fruitless contest; and that all petitions for reform, and a redress of grievances were enforced by allusions to the war, and by urging the absolute necessity of proposing negociations for peace. The city petition has conveyed truths of the first importance to the ear of the Prince Regent; and has indeed described, in concise, but energetic terms, the character of the present ministers. May our countrymen throughout the kingdom follow the example of the citizens of London: to borrow their language:-"Duty to our sovereign; duty to our country: the example of our forefathers; justice to posterity; the fame and Isafety of the kingdom; all with voice imperious, forbid us to disguise our thoughts and smother our feelings.... It is of ge"neral grievances, grievances sorely felt in all ranks of life; of ac"cumulated and ever accumulating taxation, rendered doubly grie"vous by the oppressive mode of exaction; of the increased and increasing distress and misery therefrom arising; of the improvi"dent expenditure of the immense sums thus wrung from industry

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