Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

more ensive than we should have expected,
from the waywardness of his boyhood, or from
the inflexible sternness of his later years. "I
have not enjoyed," says he, "one happy day
since I left my native country." And again,
"I must confess, at intervals, when I think of
my dear native England, it affects me in a very
particular manner. .... If I should be so far
blest as to revisit again my own country, but
more especially Manchester, the centre of all
my wishes, all that I could hope or desire for
would be presented before me in one view."
.. One solace he found of the most respectable
kind. The Governor possessed a good library,
and permitted Clive to have access to it. The
young man devoted much of his leisure to
reading, and acquired at this time almost all
the knowledge of books that he ever possessed.
As a boy he had been too idle, as a man he
soon became too busy, for literary pursuits.

Madras to the English was by no means com patible. He declared that Labourdonnais had gone beyond his powers; that conquests made by the French arms on the continent of India were at the disposal of the Governor of Pondi cherry alone; and that Madras should be rased to the ground. Labourdonnais was forced to yield. The anger which the breach of the ca pitulation excited among the English was increased by the ungenerous manner in which Dupleix treated the principal servants of the company. The Governor and several of the first gentlemen of Fort St. George were carried under a guard to Pondicherry, and conducted through the town in a triumphal procession, under the eyes of fifty thousand spectators. It was with reason thought that this gross violation of public faith absolved the inhabitants of Madras from the engagements into which they had entered with Labourdonnais. Clive fled from the town by night, in the disguise of a Mussulman, and took refuge at Fort St. David, one of the small English settlements subordi.

But neither climate, nor poverty, nor study, nor the sorrows of a homesick exile, could tame the desperate audacity of his spirit. He behaved to his official superiors as he had be-nate to Madras. haved to his schoolmasters, and was several The circumstances in which he was now times in danger of losing his situation. Twice, while residing in the Writers' Buildings, he attempted to destroy himself; and twice the pistol which he snapped at his own head failed to go off. This circumstance, it is said, affected him as a similar escape affected Wallenstein. After satisfying himself that the pistol was really well loaded, he burst forth into an exclamation, that surely he was reserved for some-proof by a desperate duel with a military bully thing great.

placed naturally led him to adopt a profession better suited to his restless and intrepid spirit than the business of examining packages and casting accounts. He solicited and obtained an ensign's commission in the service of the Company, and at twenty-one entered on his military career. His personal courage, of which he had, while still a writer, given signal

who was the terror of Fort St. David, speedily made him conspicuous even among hundreds of brave men. He soon began to show in his new calling other qualities which had not be fore been discerned in hi:n-judgment. sagacity, deference to legitimate authority. He distin guished himself highly in several operations against the French, and was particularly no ticed by Major Lawrence, who was then con sidered as the ablest British officer in India.

About this time an event, which at first seemed likely to destroy all his hopes in life, suddenly opened before him a new path to eminence. Europe had been, during some years, distracted by the war of the Austrian succession. George II. was the steady ally of Maria Theresa. The house of Bourbon took the opposite side. Though England was even then the first of maritime powers, she was not, as she has since become, more than a match He had been only a few months in the army on the sea for all the nations of the world to when intelligence arrived that peace had beer gether; and she found it difficult to maintain a concluded between Great Britain and France contest against the united navies of France Dupleix was in consequence compelled to re and Spain. in the eastern seas France ob- store Madras to the English Company; and the tained the ascendency. Labourdonnais, Go- young ensign was at liberty to resume his for vernor of Mauritius, a man of eminent talents mer business. He did indeed return for a shor. and virtues, conducted an expedition to the time to his desk. He again quitted it in orde continent of India, in spite of the opposition to assist Major Law ence in some petty hosti of the British fleet-landed; assembled an ar-lities with the native, and then again returned my, appeared before Madras, and compelled to it. While he was thus wavering between a the town and fort to capitulate. The keys were delivered up; the French colours were displayed on Fort St. George; and the contents of the Company's warehouses were seized as prize of war by the conquerors. It was stipulated by the capitulation that the English inhabitants should be prisoners of war on parole, and that the town should remain in the hands of the French till it should be ransomed. Labourdonnais pledged his honour that only a moderate ransom should be required.

military and a commercial life, events took place which decided his choice. The politics of India assumed a new aspect. There was peace between the English and French crowns; but there arose between the English and French companies trading to the East, a war inost eventful and important-a war in which the prize was nothing less than the magnificent inheritance of the house of Tamerlane.

The empire which Baber and his Moguls reared in the sixteenth century was iong one But the success of Labourdonnais had of the most extensive and splendid in the world. awakened the jealousy of his countryman, In no European kingdom was so large a pɩ-puDupleix, Governor of Pondicherry. Dupleix, lation subject to a single prince, or so large moreover, had already begun to revolve gigan- revenue poured into the treasury. The beauty ic schemes, with which the restoration of and magnificence of the buildings erected by

the sovereigns of Hindostan, amazed even travellers who had seen St. Peter's. The innumerable retinues and gorgeous decorations which surrounded the throne of Delhi, dazzled even eyes which were accustomed to the pomp of Versailles. Some of the great viceroys, who held their posts by virtue of commissions from the Mogul, ruled as many subjects and enjoyed as large an income as the King of France or the Emperor of Germany. Even the deputies of these deputies might well rank, as to extent of territory and amount of revenue, with the Grand-duke of Tuscany and the Elector of Saxony.

of the Pannonian forests. The Saracen ruled in Sicily, desolated the fertile plains of Campania, and spread terror even to the walls of Rome. In the midst of these sufferings, a great internal change passed upon the empire. The corruption of death began to ferment into new forms of life. While the great body, as a whole, was torpid and passive, every separate member began to feel with a sense, and to move with an energy all its own. Just here, in the most barren and dreary tract of European history, all feudal privileges, all modern nobility, take their source. To this point we trace the power of those princes who, nominally vassals, but really independent, long governed, with the titles of dukes, marquesses, and counts, almost every part of the dominions which had obeyed Charlemagne.

Such or nearly such was the change which passed on the Mogul empire during the forty years which followed the death of Aurangzebe. A series of nominal sovereigns, sunk in indolence and debauchery, sauntered away life in secluded palaces, chewing bang, fondling con

There can be little doubt that this great empire, powerful and prosperous as it appears on a superficial view, was yet, even in its best days, far worse governed than the worst governed parts of Europe now are. The administration was tainted with all the vices of Oriental despotism, and with all the vices inseparable from the domination of race over race. The conflicting pretensions of the princes of the royal house produced a long series of crimes and public disasters. Ambi-cubines, and listening to buffoons. A series tious lieutenants of the sovereign sometimes aspired to independence. Fierce tribes of Hindoos, impatient of a foreign yoke, frequently withheld tribute, repelled the armies of the government from their mountain fastnesses, and poured down in arms on the cultivated plains. In spite, however, of much constant misadministration, in spite of occasional convulsions which shook the whole frame of society, this great monarchy, on the whole, retained, during some generations, an outward appearance of unity, majesty, and energy. But, throughout the long reign of Aurungzebe, the state, notwithstanding all that the vigour and policy of the prince could effect, was hastening to dissolution. After his death, which took place in the year 1707, the ruin was fearfully rapid. Violent shocks from without co-operated with an incurable decay which was fast proceeding within; and in a few years the empire had ungone utter decomposition.

The history of the successors of Theodosius bears no small analogy to that of the successors of Aurungzebe. But perhaps the fall of the Carlovingians furnishes the nearest parallel to the fall of the Moguls. Charlemagne was scarcely interred when the imbecility and the disputes of his descendants began to bring contempt on themselves and destruction on their subjects. The wide dominion of the Franks was severed into a thousand pieces. Nothing more than a nominal dignity was left to the abject heirs of an illustrious name, Charles the Bald, and Charles the Fat, and Charles the Simple. Fierce invaders, differing from each other in race, language, and religion, flocked as if by concert from the furthest corners of the earth, to plunder provinces which the government could no longer defend. The pirates of the Baltic extended their ravages from the Elbe to the Pyrenees, and at length fixed their seat in the rich valley of the Seine. The Hungarian, in whom the trembling monks fancied that they recognised the Gog and Magog of prophecy, carried back the plunder of the cities of Lombardy to the depth

of ferocious invaders had descended through the western passes, to prey on the defenceless wealth of Hindostan. A Persian conqueror crossed the Indus, marched through the gates of Delhi, and bore away in triumph those treasures of which the magnificence had astounded Roe and Bernier;-the Peacock Throne on which the richest jewels of Golconda had been disposed by the most skilful hands of Europe, and the inestimable Mountain of Light, which, after many strange vicissitudes, lately shone in the bracelet of Runjeet Sing, and is now destined to adorn the hideous idol of Orissa. The Afghan soon followed to complete the work of devastation which the Persian had begun. The warlike tribes of Rajpoots threw off the Mussulman yoke. A band of mercenary soldiers occupied Rohilcund. The Seiks ruled on the Indus. The Jauts spread terror along the Jumnah. The high lands which border on the western seacoast of India poured forth a yet more formidable race;-a race which was long the terror of every native power, and which yielded only, after many desperate and doubtful struggles, to the fortune and genius of England. It was under the reign of Aurungzebe that this wild clan of plunderers first descended from the mountains; and soon after his death, every corner of his wide empire learned to tremble at the mighty name of the Mahrattas. Many fertile viceroyalties were entirely subdued by them. Their dominicas stretched across the Peninsula from sea to sea. Their captains reigned at Poonah, at Gaulior, in Guzerat, in Berar, and in Tanjore. Nor did they, though they had become great sovereigns, therefore cease to be freebooters. They still retained the predatory habits of their forefathers. Every region which was not subject to their rule was wasted by their incursions. Wherever their kettledrums were heard, the peasant threw his bag of rice on his shoulder. hid his small savings in his girdle, and fled with his wife and children to the mountains or the jungles-to the milder neighbourhood of the hyæna and the tiger. Many provinces redeeme

saw also that the natives of India might, under European commanders, be formed into armies, such as Saxe or Frederick would be proud to command. He was perfectly aware that the most easy and convenient way in which a European adventurer could exercise sovereign. ty in India, was to govern the motions, and to speak through the mouth, of some glittering puppet dignified with the title of Nabob or Nizam. The arts both of war and policy, which a few years later were successfully employed by the English, were first understood and prac tised by this ingenious and aspiring Frenchman.

their harvests by the payment of an annual ransom. Even the wretched phantom who still bore the imperial title, stooped to pay this ignominious "black mail." The camp-fires of one rapacious leader were seen from the walls of the palace of Delhi. Another, at the head of his innumerable cavalry, descended year after year on the rice-fields of Bengal. Even the European factors trembled for their magazines. Less than a hundred years ago, it was thought| necessary to fortify Calcutta against the horsemen of Berar; and the name of the Mahratta ditch still preserves the memory of the danger. Wherever the viceroys of the Mogul retained authority they became sovereigns. They might still acknowledge in words the superiority of the house of Tamerlane; as a Count of Flanders or a Duke of Burgundy would have acknowledged the superiority of the most hopeless driveller among the later Carlovingians. They might occasionally send their titular sovereign a complimentary present, or solicit from him a title of honour. But they were in truth no longer lieutenants removable at pleasure, but independent hereditary princes. In this way originated those great Mussulmanent in fact. If it was convenient to treat him houses which formerly ruled Bengal and the Carnatic, and those which still, though in a state of vassalage, exercise some of the powers of royalty at Lucknow and Hyderabad.

The state of India was such that scarcely any aggression could be without a decent pretext, either in old laws or in reccut practice. All rights were in a state of utter uncertainty; and the Europeans who took part in the dis putes of the natives confounded the confusion, by applying to Asiatic politics the public law of the West, and analogies drawn from the feudal system. If it was convenient to treat a Nabob as an independent prince, there was an excellent plea for doing so. He was independ

views. The party who had the heir of Baber in their hands, represented him as the undoubted, the legitimate, the absolute sovereign, whom all the subordinate authorities were bound to obey. The party against whom his name was used did not want plausible pretexts for maintaining that the empire was de furto dissolved; and that, though it might be proper to treat the Mogul with respect, as a venerable relic of an order of things which had passed away, it was absurd to rega.d him as the real master of Hindostan.

as a mere deputy of the court of Delhi, there was no difficulty; for he was so in theory. If it was convenient to consider this office as an hereditary dignity, or as a dignity held during In what was this confusion to end? Was life only, or a dignity held only during the good the strife to continue during centuries? Was pleasure of the Mogul, arguments and prece it to terminate in the rise of another great mo-dents might be found for every one of those narchy? Was the Mussulman or the Mahratta to be the Lord of India? Was another Baber to descend from the mountains, and lead the hardy tribes of Cabul and Chorasan against a wealthier and less warlike race? None of these events seemed improbable. But scarcely any man, however sagacious, would have thought it possible, that a trading company, separated from India by fifteen thousand miles of sea, and possessing in India only a few acres for purposes of commerce, would, in less than a hundred years, spread its empire from Cape Comorin to the eternal snow of the Himalayas-would compel Mahratta and Mohammedan to forget their mutual feuds in common subjection-would tame down even those wild races which had resisted the most powerful of the Moguls; and, having established a government far stronger than any ever known in those countries, would carry its victorious arms far to the east of the Burrampooter, and far to the west of the Hydaspes--dictate terms of peace at the gates of Ava, and seat its vassals on the throne of Candahar.

The man who first saw that it was possible to found a European empire on the ruins of the Mogul monarchy was Dupleix. His restless, capacious, and inventive mind had formed this scheme, at a time when the ablest servants of the English Company were busied only about invoices and bills of lading. Nor had he only proposed to himself the end. He had also a just and distinct view of the means by which it was to be attained. He clearly saw that the greatest force which the princes of India could bring into the field would be no match for a small body of men trained in the discipline, and guided by the tactics, of the West. He

|

In the year 1748, died one of the most powerful of the new masters of India--the great Nizam al Mulk, Viceroy of the Deccan. His authority descended to his soa Nazir Jung. Of the provinces subject to this high functionary, the Carnatic was the wealthiest and the most extensive. It was governed by an ancient Nabob, whose name the English corrupted into Anaverdy Khan.

But there were pretenders to the governmen both of the viceroyalty and of the subordinate province. Mirzapha Jung, a grandson of Ni zam al Mulk, appeared as the competitor of Na zir Jung. Chunda Sahib, son-in-law of a former Naboo of the Carnatic, disputed the title of Anaverdy Khan. In the unsettled state of Indian law, it was easy for both Mirzapha Jung and Cranda Sahib to make out something like a claim of right. In a society aitogether disor ganized, they had no difficulty in finding greedy adventurers to follow their standards. They united their interests, invaded the Carnatic, and applied for assistance to the French, whose fame had been raised by their success agains the English in the recent war on the coast of Coromandel.

Nothing could have happened more pleasing its greatest triumph, by the fall of Nazir Jung to the subtle and ambitious Dupleix. To make and the elevation of Mirzapha, he determined a Nabob of the Carnatic--to make a Viceroy to erect a column, on the four sides of which of the Deccan, to rule under their names the four pompous inscriptions, in four languages, whole of southern India;-this was indeed an should proclaim his victory to all the nations attractive prospect. He allied himself with of the East. Medals stamped with emblems the pretenders, and sent four hundred French of his success were buried beneath the foundasoldiers, and two thousand sepoys, disciplined | tions of this stately pillar, and round it arose a after the European fashion, to the assistance town bearing the haughty name of Dupleix of his confederates. A battle was fought. The Fatihabad; which is, being interpreted, the City French distinguished themselves greatly. Ana- of the Victory of Dupleix. The English had verdy Khan was defeated and slain. His son made some feeble and irresolute attempts to Mohammed Ali, who was afterwards well stop the rapid and brilliant career of the rival known in England as the Nabob of Arcot, and Company, and continued to recognise Mohamwho owes to the eloquence of Burke a most med Ali as Nabob of the Carnatic. But the unenviable immortality, fled with a scanty rem- dominions of Mohammed Ali consisted of Trinant of his army to Trichinopoly, and the con- chinopoly alone; and Trichinopoly was now querors became at once masters of almost invested by Chunda Sahib and the French every part of the Carnatic. auxiliaries. To raise the siege seemed imThis was but the beginning of the greatness possible. The small force which was then at of Dupleix. After some months of fighting, Madras had no commander. Major Lawrence negotiation, and intrigue, his ability and good had returned to England; and not a single offifortune seemed to have prevailed everywhere. cer of established character remained in the Nazir Jung perished by the hands of his own settlement. The natives had learned to look followers; Mirzapha Jung was master of the with contempt on the mighty nation which was Deccan; and the triumph of French arms and soon to conquer and to rule them. They had French policy was complete. At Pondicherry seen the French colours flying at Fort St. all was exultation and festivity. Salutes were George; they had seen the chiefs of the Engfired from batteries, and Te Deum sung in all lish factory led in triumph through the streets the churches. The new Nizam came thither of Pondicherry; they had seen the arms and to visit his allies; and the ceremony of his in-counsels of Dupleix everywhere successful, stallation was performed there with great pomp. while the opposition which the authorities of Dupleix, dressed in the garb worn by Moham-Madras had made to his progress, had served medans of the highest rank, entered the town in the same palanquin with the Nizam, and in the pageant which followed, took precedence of all the court. He was declared Governor of India, from the river Kristna to Cape Comorin, with authority superior even to that of Chunda Sahib. He was intrusted with the command of seven thousand cavalry. It was announced that no mint would be suffered to exist in the Carnatic except that at Pondicherry. A large portion of the treasures which former Viceroys of the Deccan had accumulated, found its way into the coffers of the French governor. It was rumoured that he had received two hundred thousand pounds sterling in money, besides many valuable jewels. In fact, there could scarcely be any limit to his gains. He now raled thirty millions of people with almost absolute power. No honour or emolument could be obtained from the government but by his intervention. No petition, unless signed by him, was even perused by the Nizam.

only to expose their own weakness, and to heighten his glory. At this moment, the valour and genius of an obscure English youth suddenly turned the tide of fortune.

Clive was now twenty-five years old. After hesitating for some time between a military and a commercial life, he had at length been placed in a post which partook of both characters—that of commissary to the troops, with the rank of captain. The present emergency called forth all his powers. He represented to his superiors, that unless some vigorous effort were made, Trichinopoly would fall, the house of Anaverdy Khan would perish, and the French would become the real masters of the whole peninsula of India. It was abso lutely necessary to strike some daring biow. If an attack were made on Arcot, the capital of the Carnatic, and the favourite residence of the Nabobs, it was not impossible that the siege of Trichinopoly would be raised. The heads of the English settlement, now thoroughly alarmed by the success of Dupleix, and apprehensive that, in the event of a new war be

Mirzapha Jung survived his elevation only a few months. But another prince of the same house was raised to the throne by French in-tween France and Great Britain, Madras fluence, and ratified all the promises of his predecessor. Dupleix was now the greatest potentate in India. His countrymen boasted that his name was mentioned with awe even in the chambers of the palace of Delhi. The native population looked with amazement on the progress which, in the short space of four years, a European adventurer had made towards dominion in Asia. Nor was the vainglorious Frenchman content with reality of power. He loved to display it with arrogant ostentation before the eyes of his subjects and his rivals. Near the spot where his policy had obtained

would be instantly taken and destroyed, ap proved of Clive's plan, and intrusted the exe cution of it to himself. The young captain was put at the head of two hundred English soldiers, and three hundred sepoys armed and disciplined after the European fashion. Of the eight officers who commanded this little force under him, not a single one had ever been in action, and four of the eight were fac tors of the Company, whom Clive's example had induced to offer their services. The wea ther was stormy; but Clive pushed on, through thunder, lighting, and rain, to the gates of Ar

cot. The garrison, in a panic, evacuated the fort, and the English entered it without a blow.

But Clive well knew that he would not be suffered to retain undisturbed possession of his conquest. He instantly began to collect provisions, to throw up works, and to make preparations for sustaining a siege. The garrison, which had fled at his approach, had now recovered from its dismay, and, having been swollen by large reinforcements from the neighbourhood to a force of three thousand men, encamped close to the town. At dead of night, Clive marched out of the fort, attacked the camp by surprise, slew great numbers, dispersed the rest, and returned to his quarters without having lost a single man.

An attempt made by the government of Ma dras to relieve the place had failed. But there was hope from another quarter. A body of six thousand Mahrattas, half soldiers, half rob bers, under the command of a chief named Morari Row, had been hired to assist Mohammed Ali; but thinking the French power irre. sistible, and the triumph of Chunda Sahib certain, they had hitherto remained inactive on the frontiers of the Carnatic. The fame of the defence of Arcot roused them from their torpor. Morari Row declared that he had never before believed that Englishmen could fight, but that he would willingly help them since he saw that they had spirit to help themselves. Rajah Sahib learned that the Mahrattas were in motion. It was necessary for him to be expeditious. He first tried negotiation. He offered large bribes to Clive, which were rejected with scorn. He vowed that, if his proposals were not accepted, he would instantly storm the fort, and put every man in it to the sword. Clive told him, in reply, with charac teristic haughtiness, that his father was a usurer, that his army was a rabble, and that he would do well to think twice before he sent such poltroons into a breach defended by Eng

The intelligence of these events was soon carried to Chunda Sahib, who, with his French allies, was besieging Trichinopoly. He immediately detached four thousand men from his camp, and sent them to Arcot. They were speedily joined by the remains of the force which Clive had lately scattered. They were further strengthened by two thousand men from Vellore; and by a still more important reinforcement of a hundred and fifty French soldiers, whom Dupleix despatched from Pon-lish soldiers. dicherry. The whole of this army, amounting to about ten thousand men, was under the command of Rajah Sahib, son of Chunda Sahib.

Rajah Sahib determined to storm the fort. The day was well suited to a bold military enterprise. It was the great Mohammedan festival which is sacred to the memory Rajah Sahib proceeded to invest the fort of Hosein the son of Ali. The history of Islam Arcot, which seemed quite incapable of sus- contains nothing more touching than that taining a siege. The walls were ruinous, the mournful legend:-how the chief of the Fatiditches dry, the ramparts too narrow to admit mites, when all his brave followers had perishthe guns, the battlements too low to protect the ed round him, drank his latest draught of soldie The little garrison had been greatly water and uttered his latest prayer-how the reduced by casualties. It now consisted of a assassins carried his head in triumph-how hundred and twenty Europeans and two hun- the tyrant smote the lifeless lips with his staff dred sepoys. Only four officers were left; the—and how a few old men recollected with stock of provisions was scanty; and the commander, who had to conduct the defence under circumstances so discouraging, was a young man of five-and-twenty, who had been bred a book-keeper.

tears that they had seen those lips pressed to the lips of the prophet of God. After the lapse of nearly twelve centuries, the recurrence of this solemn season excites the fiercest and saddest emotions in the bosoms of the devout Moslems of India. They work themselves up to such agonies of rage and lamentation, that some, it is said, have given up the ghost from the mere effect of mental excitement. They believe that whoever during this festival falls in arms against the infidels, atones by his death for all the sins of his life, and passes at once to the gardens of the Houris. It was at this time that Rajah Sahib determined to assault Arcot. Stimulating drugs were employed to aid the effect of religious zeal, and the besiegers, drunk with enthusiasm, drunk with bang, rushed furiously to the attack.

During fifty days the siege went on. During fifty days the young captain maintained the defence, with a firmness, vigilance, and ability which would have done honour to the oldest marshal in Europe. The breach, however, increased day by day. The garrison began to feel the pressure of hunger. Under such circumstances, any troops so scantily provided with officers might have been expected to show signs of insubordination; and the danger was peculiarly great in a force composed of men differing widely from each other in extraction, colour, language, manners, and religion. But the devotion of the little band to its Clive had received secret intelligence of the chief surpassed any thing that is related of the design, had made his arrangements, and, extenth legion of Cæsar, or of the Old Guard of hausted by fatigue, had thrown himself on na Napoleon. The sepoys came to Clive-not to bed. He was awakened by the alarm, and was complain of their scanty fare, but to propose instantly at his post. The enemy advanced, that all the grain should be given to the Euro-driving before them elephants whose foreheads peans, who required more nourishment than were armed with iron plates. It was expectthe natives of Asia. The thin gruel, they said, ed that the gates would yield to the shock of which was strained away from the rice, would suffice for themselves. History contains no more touching instance of military fidelity, or of the influence of a commanding mind. VOL. III.-41

these living battering-rams. But the huge beasts no sooner felt the English musket-balls than they turned round, and rushed furiously away, trampling on the multitude that had urged their

« AnteriorContinuar »