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INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION

Published monthly by the

American Association for International Conciliation.
Entered as second class matter at New York, N. Y.,
Postoffice, February 23, 1909, under act of July 16, 1894

VICTORY OR DEFEAT: NO HALF-WAY HOUSE Speech delivered by the Rt. Hon. David Lloyd George at Gray's Inn, December 14, 1917.

BRITISH LABOR'S WAR AIMS

Text of a statement adopted at the Special National Labor Conference at Central Hall, Westminster, on December 28, 1917.

GREAT BRITAIN'S WAR AIMS

Speech delivered by the Rt. Hon. David Lloyd George at the Trade Union Conference on Man Power, January 5, 1918.

LABOR'S AFTER-WAR ECONOMIC POLICY

By the Rt. Hon. Arthur Henderson, M.P. Reprinted from the London National Weekly.

AMERICA'S TERMS OF SETTLEMENT

An address by President Wilson to the Congress of the United States, January 8, 1918.

BRITISH LABOR PARTY'S ADDRESS

TO THE RUSSIAN PEOPLE

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AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION SUB-STATION 84 (407 WEST 117TH STREET)

NEW YORK CITY

SOURCES

I. Victory or Defeat: No Half-Way House. Speech delivered by the Rt. Hon. David Lloyd George at Gray's Inn, December 14, 1917-The London Times, December 15, 1917

II. British Labor's War Aims. Text of a statement adopted at the Special National Labor Conference at Central Hall, Westminster, on December, 28, 1917-The New York Evening Post, January 4, 1918

III. Great Britain's War Aims. Speech delivered by the Rt. Hon. David Lloyd George at the Trade Union Conference on Man Power, January 5, 1918-The London Times, January 7, 1918

IV. Labor's After-War Economic Policy, by the Rt. Hon. Arthur Henderson, M.P. (Reprinted from the London National Weekly.)-The New York Evening Post, January 8, 1918

V. America's Terms of Settlement. An address by President Wilson to the Congress of the United States, January 8, 1918-Official Bulletin, January 8, 1918

VI. British Labor Party's Address to the Russian People, January 15, 1918The New York Evening Post, January 16, 1918.

I

VICTORY OR DEFEAT: NO HALF-WAY

HOUSE

Speech delivered by the Rt. Hon. David Lloyd George at Gray's Inn, December 14, 1917

Let me express how honored I feel to be invited to this historic building to meet representatives of the most romantic service in this war. In the House of Commons I gave what I fear must be regarded as inadequate expression to the gratitude and admiration which the nation feels for this gallant service. I have sometimes felt that the operations of the Air Service will, probably, have greater effect in determining the nations that this must be the last war than any other weapons, however terrible their effect. They bring home to the people, who in former wars dwelt in security, something of the perils and the horrors of the battlefield; and, as the war goes on, these will spread and increase and intensify. These winged messengers of death, therefore, may well be angels of peace. But we must also remember that, while all that is true, they also give a greater significance and permanence to either victory or defeat. For, however unjust or oppressive might be the peace imposed on us, the new terror added to war by this new weapon of dismay will create an increased reluctance on the part of the world to challenge the issue anew. It is, therefore, more important than ever that the peace we secure should be a just, an honorable, and a beneficent peace.

Recently a highly respected nobleman, who has rendered distinguished service to the State in many spheres, startled the nation by a letter which gave rise to very considerable apprehension on the part of those whose main anxiety is that this war should terminate in an upright and enduring peace and not in a humiliating surrender. I now understand that all our anxieties as to this epistle were groundless, that Lord Lansdowne had not intended in the least to convey the meaning which his words might reasonably bear; that all the time he was in complete agreement with President Wilson, and only meant to say exactly the same thing as the American President said in his recent great speech to Congress. Now the Government are in full agreement with that speech. Mr. Asquith, I am not surprised to see, is also in agreement with it. The British nation is undoubtedly in agreement with it, and as Lord Lansdowne has also declared that he agrees with it, things which agree with the same thing agree with one another. I, therefore, take it that the interpretation placed on Lord Lansdowne's letter, not merely by strong supporters of the Allied cause, but also by its opponents, in this country, in America, and in France, and now also, I observe, in Germany and in Austria, was not in the least that which Lord Lansdowne desired to give to it. I do not desire to force a controversy if none exists, for national unity is essential to success. But I might be forgiven for saying that if Lord Lansdowne simply meant to say exactly the same thing as President Wilson, it is a great misfortune that he did not carry out that intention. I was attending the Allied Conference in Paris at the time that his letter appeared. It was received there with painful amazement. However,

it is satisfactory to know that Lord Lansdowne was misunderstood, both by his friends and by his critics, and that the whole weight of his authority and influence may be reckoned on the side of the enforcement of what I call the Wilson policy.

THE HALF-HEARTED MAN

I shall, therefore, pass on from this letter to the view which it was supposed to advocate, but did not, to the opinions which are held and expressed by a number of people in this country. It is true they are in a minority, but they are a very active minority, and they busy themselves insidiously, persistently, skilfully, impressing these views on the people. The Lansdowne letter brought them out into the open. They thought that at last they had discovered a leader, and there is no doubt that they were prepared to take action with a view to forcing this country into a premature and vanquished peace. The danger is not the extreme pacifist. I am not afraid of him. But I warn the nation to watch the man who thinks that there is a half-way house between victory and defeat. There is no half-way house between victory and defeat. These are the men who think that you can end the war now by some sort of what they call pact of peace, by the setting up of a League of Nations with conditions as to arbitration in the event of disputes, with provision for disarmament, and with a solemn covenant on the part of all nations to sign a treaty on those lines, and not merely to abide by it themselves, but to help to enforce it against any nation that dares to break it.

That is the right policy after victory. Without victory it would be a farce. Why, we are engaged in a war

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