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[Mr. Barrett, who is well known to all American readers as a leading authority upon the politics and trade of the far East, and who represented us for some years very ably as minister to Siam, is now revisiting Japan, China, Siam, India, Australia, and other parts of the East as a commissioner-general on behalf of the great World's Fair to be held at St. Louis, and the present article represents some phases of the larger Eastern situation as he now finds it.-THE EDITOR.]


APAN has astonished the world by her mar velous strides to an acknowledged position among the first powers of the earth. Her development during the last half century is, in some respects, more remarkable than that of the United States. Fifty years ago, when Commo dore Perry rapped somewhat roughly at her gates, she was, in material progress, governmental administration, and educational development, little beyond where she stood a thousand years before. Now her snug little realm is traversed with railways and spotted with manifold industries, her political system compares favorably with the monarchies of Europe, and her colleges and schools are graduating hosts of young men fitted for every position of responsibility. Her foreign commerce has expanded in thirty years from $30,000,000 to $300,000,000 per annum. This is an increase of 1,000 per cent. per annum, a record unrivaled by any other country in the same time or under similar conditions. Starting with no merchant marine, she now has her cargo and passenger steamers running to all parts of the globe in successful competition with the fleets of the older and richer nations. With no modern war vessels twenty years ago, she now has a navy ranking next to our own in effectiveness. With an army a few decades past that was barbaric in equip. ment, she possesses to-day a trained armed force that, in comparison to her area and population, is second to none.


Although she entered upon ambitious responsibilities when she engaged in war with China and threw off the swaddling clothes of youth when she negotiated her new treaties for the abolition of extraterritoriality, she is now preparing to play a part in Asia more ambitious and more pregnant with responsibilities than any she has yet undertaken. Her new rôle may be described as that of the schoolmaster of Asia. In other words, recent events would indicate that Japan will be the chief influence to modernize China, to awaken Korea, to help Siam, and even,

incongruous though it seems, to cooperate with. Russia in making Eastern Siberia habitable and prosperous. The Japanese army officer, lawgiver. merchant, and general utility man seems to possess more all-round capabilities for bringing out what is best in his fellow Asiatic than any other national. The average Japanese understands thoroughly and completely the average Chinese, Korean, Siamese, and miscellaneous Asiatic. where the European and American labors in mystery and ignorance. This is natural. The Japanese people are akin to other Asiatics. They are probably of Malay origin and so have racial sympathies with the southern Asiatics. Their written language is the same as that of China and Korea in its higher forms, and hence they have in this a bond of closer union than any possessed by the Caucasian races. They understand the Asiatic point of view, and this is a matter of cardinal importance. They look at Europeans and Americans largely through the same glasses as gaze upon the rest of the Asiatic peoples. They are not compelled to reverse their methods of reasoning to appreciate how the Chinese, Koreans and Siamese reach a conclusion. They can teach and lead with a directness and efficiency that is lacking among Europeans. In bringing out these comparisons, I do not mean that the Japanese have not their weaknesses and shortcomings, or that in the compre hensive economy of the world they are in any way superior to the progressive races of Europe and America. They are simply better suited to deal with their own kind, and they have added to that quality immeasurable strength by studying, adopting, and mastering, to a commendable degree, the influences that have done so much to build up the nations and peoples of America and Europe. This argument is not a eulogy of Japan; it is a frank description of what she is preparing to do at this hour. In playing the part of the schoolmaster of Asia she certainly will have the good will of America.


By way of comparison, it might be said that Japan is establishing throughout eastern Asia

an educational Monroe Doctrine; she is demonstrating the principle that there is nothing like Asia for Asiatics; she is not in any way crying hands off to other nations; but she is proving by peaceful effort that she can accomplish more than if she undertook to do the same thing with a vast armed force. If we note specifically how Japanese influence is exerting itself quietly throughout the countries of Asia, we can more readily appreciate the significance of the schoolmaster position. Especially is this true if we treat this educational process as not referring merely to schools and books, but to commercial exploitation, assistance in governmental administration, organization of armies, and general adaptability of services where they can be of direct advantage both to Japan and to the country served. A secret of Japan's success along these lines is this: Europeans want to do everything for Asiatics in the sense of monopolizing the doing; the Japanese wish to teach the Asiat, ics to do for themselves as they are doing for themselves. In China it has been found that a Japanese army officer, or instructor along any line, will accomplish more with greater interest on the part of the student in a given time than any other foreigner. Japanese merchants, principally on a small scale, are locating themselves in all parts of the interior of China where no European merchant has ever thought of going.

In Manchuria, where Russia is supposed to have supreme control, the Japanese tradesmen outnumber the Russians fifty to five. If one journeys over the Russian railways, from Port Arthur and Dalny north to Harbin, and then across to Vladivostok, he sees almost as many unofficial Japanese traveling as Russians. Recently, in going from Port Arthur to the new Russian port of Dalny, I counted ten Japanese and two Russians in the first-class car, and was informed that this was not an exceptional ratio. As we stopped at different stations and walked up and down the platform, well dressed Japanese strolled about with as much nonchalance as at stations along the Tokaido from Yokohama to Kyoto. Some British friends who were my companions including Dr. Morrison, the celebrated Peking correspondent of the London Times, and Charles Kinder, the Director of the PekingShannaikwan Railway, said that they believed that many of these Japanese gentlemen were army and navy officers in disguise studying the country for their government's intelligence office. Of this I have no positive knowledge, but the judgment of my two friends is considered good in these parts. We observed, also, many Japanese photographers, who were taking pictures of everything in sight. They were open and

polite about it, however, and were certainly well treated by the Russians. If Russia has any ill feeling toward Japan, or the latter toward the former, it is not manifested by the way the Russians and Japanese mingle in Manchuria and Siberia.

There is much talk throughout the far East concerning possible war between Japan and Rus sia, but I saw no signs of actual conflict. Such a struggle would be a great strain on both nations, and it is to be hoped that it will never come. As one learns to respect the Japanese more than ever by actual contact with the work they are doing at home and abroad, so is the regard for what the Russians are accomplishing for the material progress of eastern Siberia strengthened by an inspection of the vast improvements they are making and undertaking. For instance: As the railway the Japanese are constructing from Seoul to Fusan through the heart of Korea will be of signal advantage to the commercial exploitation of that land, so the system of railways that Russia is laying down over Manchuria and Siberia will make that section accessible to the world and a market for foreign products.


Reverting to the rôle of the schoolmaster in its comprehensive sense, Japan is bending every energy in a quiet way to bring out the best there is in Korea. She has agencies at work that no other country can employ. These are her own emigrants to Korea. Japanese settlements are springing up from the Manchurian border to the southern cape. These villages and the Japanese sections of the Korean cities are always well governed, and the people seem prosperous and contented. They are not ground down by the squeeze of Korean officialdom that takes the life out of the average Korean, and the example of their welfare and good government is unmistakably teaching the Korean people and convincing the Korean officials that a new order of things must be presently inaugurated, either alone or with Japanese coöperation, if Korea would maintain her independence and lasting welfare. It is not within the province of this discussion to consider Japanese political intentions in Korea, but it can be safely stated that Japanese material exploitation has so far been to Korea's commercial advantage. The conformation of the land, the products of the soil, the mineral resources, and the climatic conditions are not unlike those of Japan; so that the Japanese merchant or coolie quickly finds himself at home, and proceeds to make the most of the situation. He is not so selfish, however,

that he fails to take into consideration the rights of the Koreans, or that he saves up everything with the purpose of returning eventually to Japan. The merchant or contractor employs Koreans in considerable numbers, pays them higher wages than they were getting before, and teaches them new ideas of economy and industry. The coolie, who may have been an ordinary laborer in Japan, soon finds an opportunity of branching out, and buys a bit of land or rents a small shop. The Korean coolie sees this change and progress, and aspires to follow in the steps of the Japanese immigrant.

If ever one nation made a peaceful conquest of another along legitimate lines of settlement and material development, it would seem as if Japan were accomplishing this result in Korea. In the literal meaning of schoolmaster we find Japan exercising her capacity within the borders of her neighbor. Wherever there are Japanese settlements in Korean towns, or new villages are located, a schoolhouse is immediately built to which all the Japanese children are required to go and receive systematic instruction from a Japanese teacher. There were practically no schools in Korea, except those of the foreign missionaries, until the Japanese opened their own. In Chemulpo and Seoul I heard the same buzz in passing the modest little schoolhouses that is heard all over Japan and is so characteristic of her inland towns.


A few years ago there was no Japanese legation in Siam. Now there is one established in Bangkok, its capital, and the Japanese minister is the dean of the diplomatic corps. Siam has reciprocated and installed a minister in Tokyo. Soon after the opening of the Japanese legation in Bangkok, Japanese army and navy officers, merchants, and travelers, began to visit this wonderful little kingdom of southern Asia. Presently a Japanese photographer, who is usual ly the pioneer of Japanese exploitation, started a modest studio. He was followed by barbers and small tradesmen. Now larger agencies and interests are opening branches there. Siam is studying Japan in order that she may imitate her more powerful ally in the north. Siamese are being sent to Tokyo to be educated in the military, naval, and general colleges. The Siamese Government is employing Japanese scholars and authorities as advisers and assistants in the various departments of her state administraton, and they are teaching the Siamese by actual contact with the Siamese what Asiatics can do for themselves when they make a serious effort.


It has been announced in recent dispatches that Siam is trying to avail herself of such protection and help as might come under the new Anglo-Japanese treaty. This is natural, and not inconsistent with Siam's political status and environment. British territory forms the western boundary of Siam and British trade is 60 per cent. of her foreign commerce. At the same time Japan is anxious to build up her own trade there, for there is an excellent market for many of her products; and she is jointly desirous with Great Britain of maintaining the independence of Siam. On the other hand, it is contended by the Siamese, that the French, whose territory of IndoChina makes her eastern boundary, are endeavoring to assimilate part of the Siamese domain and generally to cripple her independence and development. France denies this accusation, and claims that she is well within her rights; but the situation is certainly a delicate one, and the world may yet see an application of the meaning of the new Anglo-Japanese treaty in Siam before it does in Korea or elsewhere. Judging from my own observations, made while I had the honor of serving as United States minister to Siam, King Chulalongkorn of that progressive nation could do far worse than promote friendly and intimate relations with the Emperor of powerful Japan.


A description of Japan's new position in the Pacific and far East would not be complete without a reference to the wonderful increase of her merchant marine. When I first traveled up and down the Asiatic coast in 1894, the Japanese flag was seldom seen outside of Japanese ports, and even there it was often in the minority. In less than ten years her ships have begun to sail on every Asiatic sea and navigate every Asiatic river of consequence. Not only in Japanese waters, but in the Gulf of Pechili, in the north and south China seas, up the great Yang-tse River system, and on the ocean routes to America, Europe and Australia, are to be seen in increasing numbers her passenger and freight carriers. Here again she is playing the rôle of the schoolmaster of Asia, and teaching China and other Asiatic countries that they can successfully do for themselves what was formerly done exclusively by Europe and America. In view of the fact that there never was a time in the history of our relations with Japan when her government and people were more fraternally disposed to America and Americans than now, American sentiment can reciprocate in no better way than by congratulating her upon the success of her new rôle.





N November 7 of this year, Dr. Andrew Dickson White would have presented to the German Emperor his successor as ambassador from the United States, Charlemagne Tower, had the Emperor William not been, upon that day, absent upon a visit to the King of England. Dr. White chose that day as the one upon which his resignation as ambassador should take effect, because it was the seventieth anniversary of his birth.

In an informal, and yet ceremonious and memorable, manner there was recognition, both in the United States and in Germany, of Dr. White's birthday. Here, a company of distinguished German-Americans, with others, celebrated, upon that day, Dr. White's achievements and his memorable services as diplomat, public citizen, and educator. In Berlin, on the evening of November 11, the chief intellectual forces of the empire met at a banquet given in honor of Dr. White, to express their sense of appreciation of the intellectual and more intimate personal qualities which have so greatly endeared the American ambassador to the German people. Men preeminent, not only in Germany, but throughout the world, for achievements in science, scholarship, art, finance, and statesmanship, gathered there to give this greeting to Dr. White, and chief among them was the venerable Professor Mommsen,-perhaps the most eminent living German, with whom Dr. White has long maintained both the intimacy of congenial personality and of scholarship. The thought which was expressed at this banquet is embodied in the speech in which Professor Harnack proposed the health of Dr. White. He said, "Scholars are seldom diplomats, and diplomats are seldom scholars, but you stand on the list with von Humboldt, Niebuhr, Bancroft, and Waddington. The United States, like Germany, has its face turned toward the light."

Dr. White will not return to the United States until some time in the spring of 1903. In June of next year, if all goes well, he will meet the remnant of the class of which he was a member at Yale, a class which was graduated in 1853, and whose surviving members will therefore be able to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of their graduation next June. The class of '53 was conspicuous even before its graduation by reason

of the membership of an unusually large number of young men of exceptional promise. Of it the prediction was made by the faculty and undergraduates that it would gain that distinction as a class which high achievement in the great world beyond the college life justifies. Upon the fif tieth anniversary the promise of that graduation day in the summer of '53 will be spoken of as realized even beyond the fondest expectations. From that class went forth graduates, some of whom became cabinet officers, some governors of States, some Senators, some justices of the Supreme Court, and others princes in the world of commerce, finance, and industry, chieftains in the field of science, scholars, and orators.

Mr. White's father was one of the earlier generation that perceived the opportunities that awaited those who carried railway construction into the West. His abilities were of a kind that placed him in entire sympathy with the creative and constructive energies that were pushing our railroad systems from the Atlantic across the Alleghanies. He was identified with the building of what is now the Lake Shore Railway, and with other railroads. Much of his fortune was gained in enterprises of this kind, and it was from this business capacity, that was true business statesmanship, of the elder White that the inheritance of his son was made possible.


Upon graduation day, therefore, Mr. White was almost unique among his classmates in this respect, that it was not necessary for him to earn his living. All of his classmates realized, as Mr. White himself did, that the republic is opportunity, and that that day was rich in opportunities in whatever direction ambition pointed. But his classmates were compelled to choose careers which, first of all, would give to them a livelihood. He stood at the threshold of the greater world, with no obligations of that kind. Mr. White, however, chose no life of idleness, and did not contemplate any yielding to the charms which literature throughout his college days had had for him. By temperament and by intellectual qualities he had capacity both for scholarship and for executive action, and that is a combination which often gives to the world the greatest of achievements. Whether or not he

had any clear purpose in mind as to his career at the time of graduation, it is certain that he was convinced that it would be well if he were fortified by profounder scholarship than that of the undergraduate curriculum at Yale of that day. He, therefore, went immediately to work as a scholar. He studied both at Paris and at Berlin, and his studies were of the kind that fitted him for both historical work and for diplomatic service. At the same time he mastered the French and the German languages, acquirements that were of especial value to him in his career as diplomatist.

Opportunity for public service came to him in a sort of preliminary or apprenticeship way. He was appointed an attaché of the American Legation at St. Petersburg at the time when Thomas H. Seymour, who had been governor of Connecticut and one of the corporation of Yale College, was serving as minister there. At St. Petersburg Mr. White found in diplomatic service a college friend. Daniel C. Gilman, afterward president of Johns Hopkins University of Baltimore. Mr. Gilman, as a young diplomat, pursued studies that would be of advantage to him in the career he had chosen, that of an educator. Mr. White, on the other hand, discovered at that early day in the field of diplomacy a career in which he might gain distinction and be of service to his country.


Soon after Dr. White's return from St. Petersburg he became identified with the University of Michigan. There had been close scrutiny, especially among his classmates, of his career since college days, for to them and to all who knew him his possession of wealth was looked upon as the least of his advantages. His character, intellectual and temperamental, his purpose and worthy ambition, and his scholarship while in his student days seemed to justify the most confident predictions of a brilliant career. When he entered diplomatic service at St. Petersburg, his friends were convinced that he had found the way appropriate and congenial to high successes. When he accepted the professorship of history at the University of Michigan, these friends were persuaded that he had done this that he might make his career that of the historian. But his service at the University of Michigan came apparently somewhat suddenly to a close. He seemed again to have chosen a new career, and one too for which his abilities and his personality especially fitted him, that of political life. He was elected a member of the State Senate of New York, to represent the

Syracuse District. His name was upon the same ticket as that one at the head of which stood the name of Abraham Lincoln as a candidate for second election as President of the United States.


The New York Senate, which Mr. White entered in the middle year of the Civil War, contained a larger number of able men perhaps than any other State Senate since the days of the Albany Regency, or when William H. Seward was a member of that body, and it was itself in part the Appellate Court of the State. Among these Senators, Mr. White easily, naturally, stood in the place reserved for those who were recognized as leaders in thought and action. It was at this time that Ezra Cornell was ready to proclaim the purpose that had long occupied his attention, that of founding and 'endowing a university, and upon a basis somewhat different from that which was characteristic of the older institutions of learning, -a university "where any person can find instruction in any study.”

Mr. Cornell's career is one of the romances that tell of accepted opportunity in this republic. A carpenter in his young manhood, he was the possessor of millions in his mature years, accumulated through his part in the development of the electric telegraph. He had clearly formu. lated to himself the basis upon which his contemplated university was to be built. He was able to explain these views when face to face with any man of intelligence. But he had no technical knowledge of the legislative methods by which charters were to be secured from the State. Happily, Mr. Cornell discovered in the Senate the one man, possibly in all New York State, at that time exceptionally qualified to aid him in the consummation of his plan. Senator White was doubly qualified for this aid. His training, tastes, and acquirements were those of scholarship, and he had been brought into touch. with active life, both that of the older nations and with the young and vigorous activity in this country, which in his own day had pushed our frontier from the lakes and the Ohio and the Mississippi valleys to the Rockies, and was at that very time carrying it over the gigantic barriers of the Sierras by means of the telegraph and the railroad to the Pacific coast. It was due to Senator White, both as a Senator and as an educator, that the Legislature of New York received a clear understanding of the purposes of Mr. Cornell, and gave enthusiastic support to the accessory measures which he asked of the State. The charter upon which Cornell University is founded was drafted by Senator White, was guided on its way through the Legislature

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