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date, the Republican majority being 168, or considerably larger than McKinley's majority over Bryan. Of the twenty-two governors of States elected on November 4, all but six are Republicans. Apart from Nevada, the only Northern State electing a Democrat for chief executive was Rhode Island, although in that State the Republicans have the Legislature, and carried more than one-half of the general State ticket. A list of the governors elected will be found in Record of Current Events" department.

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Republican Losses in

The Republicans, however, lost more seats in the House of Representatives Congress. than they gained, and their majority in the next Congress will be reduced to about thirty. Nearly all of the Republican losses of Congressional seats occurred in urban districts. New York had gained three seats by the new apportionment, due chiefly to the rapid growth of New York City. The great metropolitan district happened last month to go Democratic by an overwhelming majority, and this gives the Democrats several additional members of the next Congress. Likewise, the Democrats gained a Boston district, a densely populated Rhode Island district, the Scranton district of Pennsylvania, a Baltimore district which had previously been Repub

lican, the Detroit district in Michigan, the Omaha district in Nebraska, the Minneapolis district in Minnesota, one in Wisconsin, one in Iowa, and two in California, including the San Francisco district now represented by the well-known chairman of the Committee on Post Offices, Mr. Loud. With few exceptions, therefore, the radical changes at the polls have been in the cities rather than in the country districts, and these changes are chiefly significant as showing tendencies. They point to a greatly increased percentage of independent voting on the part of populations that read the daily newspapers, and that, in recent years especially, have come to care more for actual things than for the mere traditions that go with the names Republican and Democratic.

Last month's elections will not affect The Senate relative party strength in the Senate. Unaffected. The Republicans will lose three or four seats as the result of the election of new State legislatures, and will gain an equivalent number. Thus, a nominal Republican seat in Maryland will be filled by the return of a strong Democratic leader, Mr. Gorman. The North Carolina and Kentucky seats now held by Senators Pritchard and Deboe revert naturally to the Democrats, Mr. McCreary having already

been named as Senator from the latter State. In Nevada, the distinguished Congressman, Mr. Newlands, who has won great prestige by reason of the part he played in securing for the West the passage of the irrigation bill, is to have the seat in the Senate for a long time past held by Mr. Jones. As against these four losses, the Republicans will gain Senators from the following four States,--Kansas, Utah, Idaho, and Washington. Senator Harris, of Kansas, owed his seat to a successful coalition of Democrats and Populists six years ago. The Republicans seem now to have fully regained control of Kansas, and Senator Burton will have a Republican colleague after March 4. In Utah, a Republican victory will give the Senatorial seat now occupied by Mr. Rawlins to an interesting and vigorous personality, Mr. Reed Smoot, who is known not only as a successful business man of large and varied interests, but also as an avowed Mormon and an apostle of that church. It is distinctly affirmed that he is not, and never has been, a polygamist. Idaho, which had left the Republican column on the silver question, has now returned, and Senator Heitfeld will give place to a successor who will vote with the majority. In like manner Senator Turner, of Washington, who represented the fusion movement, will give way to a Republican.

It does not follow that Senatorial Rivalries for seats will be easily filled, even where

Senate Seats. party victories have been emphatic. Thus, the Republicans have again carried the Delaware Legislature by a good majority; but, as our readers will remember, the party has long been divided into intensely hostile factions, with the result that during the present Congress

Hon. Samuel W. T. Lanham, of Texas.

both Senatorial seats from Delaware have been vacant, while in the previous Congress only one was filled. For many years a candidate named Addicks, with a great fortune made in the exploitation of gas companies, has been trying, by what he would probably call "modern methods," to capture the little State of Delaware, in order to obtain the coveted prize of the United States Senatorship. Addicks, if we mistake not, is a Massachusetts man, who seems to have chosen Delaware as the field of his political operations after looking the country over and deciding that this little State offered the best opening for a man of means and energy who desires to reach the United States Senate as the crowning reward of a life of endeavor.

On two or three former occasions Mr. Addicks Mr. Addicks has come within three and Delaware.

or four votes in the Legislature of gaining the desired end. He has now twentyone legislators, and he will need six or seven more to control the situation. The so-called Republican "regulars" hold eight seats, with one or two of them regarded as doubtful. If Addicks could win over four or five votes from the Democratic minority, he would be elected: but Democratic sentiment in Delaware hitherto has been so strongly against him that legislators have been deterred by well-grounded fears of personal violence. The situation is not merely a local one. It is not as if Addicks aimed at the governorship of Delaware. A Senator helps to make the laws and shape the policies of this great nation. There are no Addicks Republicans worth speaking of outside of the 10,000 or 12,000 voters,-mostly poor and ignorant,-in Delaware who have gradually been shaped into



Dr. L. F. C. Garvin,
of Rhode Island.

Hon. James B. Frazier,
of Tennessee.


Hon. William D. Jelks, of Alabama.

a compact and inalienable Addicks following. The situation is too notorious to be ignored. There is no Addicks public opinion in Delaware, or anywhere else, that is entitled to a shred of respect. The minority of regular Republicans in Delaware, who have long refused to compromise and take one Senatorial seat at the price of allowing Addicks to have the other, are deserving of the outspoken support of all high-minded men, Republicans and Democrats alike, in every part of the country. Meanwhile, the political life and legislative work of the State of Delaware must remain distracted and demoralized.

In Colorado,


In the Upper House of the Colorado Oregon, and Legislature there are enough holdover Senators to keep a clear majority in favor of the return of Senator Teller; but the other branch, newly elected, is decisively Republican. If the Republicans have their way. Senator Teller will be retired and exSenator Wolcott will reappear at Washington. The situation is likely to be a severely contested one. There has been a marvelous change in Colorado political sentiment since Wolcott was condemned, in 1896, for supporting McKinley, while Teller was almost unanimously extolled as the hero of the State for going over to Bryan at that time. In Oregon the Republicans are overwhelmingly in control of both branches of the Legislature, but are almost equally divided among themselves into two factions. There bids fair to be some difficulty, therefore, in filling the seat that will be vacated by Senator Joseph Simon. The Idaho Republican Legislature will also, according to reports, have a Senatorial fight on its hands.

JOHN E. ADDICKS, (Who seeks to represent Delaware in the Senate.)

Some Foregone

In New York, Senator Thomas C. Platt has said that he will be a canConclusions. didate for reëlection, while Governor Odell and the party leaders have also said that Senator Platt would meet with no opposition. In Illinois, Republican success means that Congressman Hopkins will succeed Senator Mason. In spite of factional trouble in Wisconsin, it may be regarded as almost certain that Senator Spooner will be reëlected. In Michigan it is

also quite certain that General Alger will be chosen to fill the seat made vacant by the death of Senator McMillan. He will, in any case, appear in the Senate during this coming session as temporarily appointed by the governor. The Vermont Legislature, which assembles early, met in October, and it has already reëlected Senator Dillingham. It seems to be expected that William J. Stone will succeed Senator Vest, of Missouri, that State being almost alone in its pronounced adherence to the Bryan wing of the Democracy. Speaker Henderson will continue to preside over the House during the present term while the question who is to be Speaker in the next Congress will be a very absorbing one at Washington. Many candidates have appeared, Mr. Cannon, of Illinois, still being clearly in the lead. There is nothing in the Constitution or laws to prevent the House from going outside its own membership to select a Speaker, and this idea was discussed last month; but there is no reason to suppose that it will be seriously considered for a moment. The Republican candidate was successful in carrying Speaker Henderson's district, as against the vigorous Democratic. canvass made by ex-Governor Boies. In Minnesota, on the other hand, ex-Governor Lind carried the usually Republican Minneapolis district against the present incumbent, Hon. Loren Fletcher. We have already alluded to the defeat of Mr. Mercer in the Omaha district, Mr. Corliss in the Detroit district, and Mr. Loud in the San Francisco district, all of these men being prominent members of the present House.


Where manhood is virile, and people think for themselves, it is impossible to keep political life running in the grooves of old parties. That is why Addicks, in capturing a majority of the dominant party in Delaware, does not necessarily win his case. In other States, as well as in Delaware, the struggle between party factions is often more intense and more significant than the opposition between the parties themselves. Thus it is significant to note this year that in parts of the East there has been a very large increase in the vote of the Socialist Labor party. The Bryan support is disintegrating, a part of it going over to the extreme Socialistic movement, and most of it returning to the regular Democratic camp. Similarly, some of the old-time Democrats who voted the Republican ticket temporarily as a protest against Bryanism, are now calling themselves Roosevelt Republicans, while by far the greater part of them in this last election were working hard under the Democratic banner. There is comparatively little evidence of shift

The Drift Within Parties.

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ing and realignment among the Republicans, most of the troubles in the camp of the dominant party being of a local and personal nature, and not involving political principles to any great extent. The differences in Iowa over the question of tariff reform have not seemed to the country to be very radical. The election results would not indicate that Iowa is prepared to break away from the protectionist column; while, on the other hand, it is evident enough that the Hawkeye State would be glad to see the present tariff schedules a good deal modified.


The Wisconsin situation attracted a Local issues in great deal of attention. Governor LaFollette will not be able to prevent Mr. Spooner's reëlection to the Senate, while those opposed to the governor will scarcely be able any longer to prevent the adoption of a primary-election system and certain methods of taxing corporations to which Governor La Follette stands pledged. The following quotations from a private correspondent probably represent the Wisconsin situation as fairly as any one observer could state it:

The reëlection of Governor LaFollette by a majority, as compared with two years ago, cut down one-half, is nevertheless regarded as a substantial endorsement and victory. LaFollette's largest losses were in Madison and Dane County (where he lives), and this unfortunate fact is explained by those who love him by saying that the State capital is the storm center of the opposition to him, while those opposed to him say that those who know him best distrust his powers and suspect his motives. However, generally speaking, LaFollette is still very much on top in Wisconsin. He was confessedly "cut" by thousands of Republicans, including party leaders, who made no bones of the fact. This, of course, is unusual, and indicates that his propaganda is to an extent above, or at least outside, party lines. His champions talk much of him as the prime exponent of an

American movement against corporate power. They look to see him in the Senate later.

As for Spooner: The composition of the new Legislature is practically that of two years ago, the expected encroachments by the Democrats not being realized. They gained but two or three seats in the whole body of one hundred and thirty-three (Senate and Assembly). An easy majority is definitely pledged to return Spooner, and we look for this thing to come to pass. The chasm between Spooner and his lieutenants and LaFollette is permanent; and there is no question that the La Follette inner circle would delight in an antiSpooner coup d'etat in January next. Normally it would seem impossible, but so adroit are the LaFollette leaders, and so bitter their opposition to Spooner, that some train of circumstances may prevent his reëlection. It is not likely; but seeing the State convention hypnotized and unhorsed by Governor LaFollette and his trusted few, nothing can longer surprise me in'the Wisconsin political situation. The session of the Legislature will be devoted almost exclusively to tax reform and the primary elections. I expect that there will be dull, sodden opposition, but LaFollette will drag some achievement and prestige from it.

The Political

A rather tangled Republican situaRevival in tion in Illinois seems to be improving Chicago. by virtue of intelligent Republican reorganization in the great city of Chicago. The State gave a majority last month of over eighty thousand for the Republican ticket, and the city itself furnished perhaps one-sixth of this majority. However great the merits of the Republican State administration, it has not won a striking popularity. Republican victory in Illinois cannot be ascribed in considerable measure, as in some other Republican States, to fortunate local conditions. After enumerating the grounds of dissension among the Republicans of the State and of Cook County, a private correspondent, in explaining the situation last. month, continues as follows:

If those dissensions had continued as they were a year ago, Cook County (Chicago) would have been lost by a large majority. That would have meant the loss of the Legislature, and perhaps of the State ticket. Last winter, a number of Republican leaders set out to find some means of improvement. A committee of ten was appointed for the Hyde Park wards of Chicago (the great Republican wards of the south side). It made a very careful and detailed study of the causes of dissatisfaction, and after much consideration, recommended a plan for the complete reorganization of the party in that territory. This plan involved the opening of the ward and precinct clubs to all Republican voters, definiteness of time and place for all caucuses and party elections, and provisions for publicity and fairness in the conduct of party matters. These recommendations, amounting to a complete revolution in party organization (in my ward, the Seventh, the Republican ward club formerly had about 700 members,-there are now nearly 6,000), were adopted with practical unanimity by all the different factions concerned, and had considerable influence in modifying similar evils in other parts of the county. The result was the practical union of the party, the nomination of a county ticket in the spring convention which was in every respect unexceptionable, and which won the respect of the independent newspapers and of all independent voters, and a considerable improvement in the quality of nominees for the State Legislature. In our part of the city, at least, these nominees were in every case beyond criticism, and in some cases were peculiarly strong.

At the election the Hyde Park wards gave a Republican majority of about ten thousand, instead of the scanty two or three thousand which we apprehended. I think that the work in the interest of Republican harmony was at least an important factor in the success this fall

After all, however, the main cause of the general victory in this State was in the personality of President Roosevelt. From the first, those of us who were interested in the policy of the party this year made that a prominent issue, and insisted that the election should be a vote of confidence or of want of confidence in his administration. We held that as Roosevelt was not elected to the Presidency, but came to it under very distressing circumstances, and as this was the first general election since his accession, the question was whether the voters of Illinois should be counted among those who were satisfied with his administration. The result shows very plainly just what the people of Illinois think on the subject.

Tom Johnson's

One of the most picturesque and Ohio Cam- striking features of last month's campaign. paign, which in many other States was decidedly commonplace and apathetic, was the part taken by Mr. Tom L. Johnson,-mayor of Cleveland, Ohio, author of the Democratic State platform, and an acknowledged candidate for the next Presidential nomination. Mr. Johnson's Democratic canvass in Ohio resembled, in some respects, Mr. LaFollette's Republican canvass in Wisconsin. Mr. Johnson carried his own city of Cleveland, but the Republicans rolled up tremendous majorities at Cincinnati, in the





opposite corner of the State. This was due chiefly to the fact that John R. McLean,of the Cincinnati Enquirer, and Johnson's rival for Democratic control and political honors in Ohio, used his powerful influence and his great machine against the platform and the State ticket that Mr. Johnson had put in the field. Ohio went Republican by an average plurality of more than eighty thousand, this being a gain of 50 or 60 per cent. over the plurality of the last Presidential election. It must not be too readily ased, however, that Mr. Johnson's powerful ls for the the taxation of the securities of ys and other corporations have not sown seed badcast that will bear fruit in years to An intelligent and sincere private correspondent takes the ground, (1) that in the city of Cleveland, where Mr. Johnson had stated his case very fully and completely, the Democratic vote showed a great increase over that of a year ago; (2) that but for the Cincinnati defection, Mr. Bigelow, who headed the Democratic ticket as can didate for secretary of state, would have shown gains everywhere over Kilbourne, who was last year the Democratic candidate for governor ; (3) that in most counties visited by Johnson there were gains over the Kilbourne vote; and (4) that it takes time to educate the people on such subjects as taxation, but that Mr. Johnson has been encouraged to work more vigorously than ever for such reforms, and particularly for better city government in Cleveland. It would appear also that Mr. Johnson would, in any case. prefer to come before the people as a Presidential candidate in 1908 rather than in 1904, believing that the ideas he represents will have gained far wider adherence in the next few years.



It had been expected that the great and the coal strike, directly affecting several hundred thousand voters in Pennsylvania, might have some marked bearing upon the election in that State, but it did not so turn out. There was a large Republican majority. aided materially by President Roosevelt's success in ending the strike. If it had not been ended, or if there had been a serious collision with the militia, results might possibly have been different. It happens that Judge Pennypacker was elected governor by a majority independent of that which the State's two large cities supplied. A trusted correspondent remarks that this was a fortunate circumstance, inasmuch as the irregularities in Philadelphia were never before so gross. We make no charges, because we have no knowledge of the facts. Yet it is commonly alleged that Philadelphia election returns ordinarily do not represent an honest

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