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unduly interfered with. Mr. Knox made a masterly speech on the subject at Pittsburg last month. Experience is proving a good teacher.

Party Issue.

As for the tariff question, it became The Tariff as a more evident as the campaign advanced that it was beginning to assume something of its old primacy of rank, as between parties. The Democrats almost everywhere were declaring that, in the language of the New York platform, "the immediate revision of the tariff is the extreme duty of the hour;" the Republicans, on the other hand, were all of them avowing (1) that the Democratic treatment of the tariff would be dan. gerous; (2) that the protective principle must be maintained; and, (3) that the present schedules are not sacred and must, in time, he revised. Beyond that point the Republicans differ among themselves, half of them attaching relative importance to the need of reducing the schedules; and the other half attaching relative importance to the desirability of "letting well enough alone," and avoiding the business disturbance that might arise from attempts to revise a tariff which, after all, is at present working very well. President Roosevelt, in his message to Congress in December, will probably advocate the appointment of a permanent tariff commission,-made up of members of repute and of expert qualification,-who will, from time to time, report upon particular schedules with a view to their scientific readjustment. He will doubtless recommend the immediate abolition of the tariff on anthracite coal, although no one regards this as having any very important bearing upon the recent situation. Further than that, he will press upon Congress the need of reciprocity with Cuba, and will doubtless advise the adoption of Mr. McKinley's policy of reciprocity treaties in various directions. From this time on there will be heard, with increasing frequency, the arguments in favor of reciprocity with Canada.

On the Continent there has been a America in very bitter outburst of feeling against Europe. the United States in consequence of Secretary Hay's protest against the treatment of Jews by Roumania. Many newspapers in Germany and throughout the Continent have treated this as unwarranted interference, and as evidence of seeking on the part of the United States for an excuse to interfere in the internal affairs of Europe. The European opposition to the United States is in reality commercial rather than political, inasmuch as all well-informed European statesmen are well aware that President Roose

velt and Secretary Hay have not the slightest desire to take any undue part in foreign affairs. President Roosevelt's popularity abroad has, indeed, been shown in hundreds of flattering comments upon his share in the settlement of the coal strike. The prompt action of the tribunal at The Hague, as described in these pages last month, in settling the questions submitted by the United States and Mexico, is everywhere regarded as a happy augury for the future of international arbitration. The dispute did not involve a very large sum of money, and it did not strictly concern either government. The people of the United States as a whole only cared to have a just decision made; they would not therefore have been disappointed or displeased if the verdict had been rendered in favor of Mexico. What has been decided simply is that certain trust funds for Roman Catholic purposes, of which the Government of Mexico acts as custodian, belong in due share to Catholic missions in that part of the United States which was formerly Mexican territory.

South America.

It is said that the French Panama Uncle Sam in Company and the French Government jointly have fully convinced the Government at Washington that a valid title can be given by the company in its proposal to sell to us its franchises and properties. This probably means the final adoption at an early day of the Panama route, inasmuch as it is further reported that our State department is completing the necessary negotiations with the Republic of Colombia. Our navy has been especially active of late in protecting the Panama railroad, and for this we have been much misrepresented in South America. There seems, indeed, to be an organized effort to mislead public opinion in Brazil, the Argentine Confederation, and other South American States, respecting the Monroe Doctrine and the purposes of the United States. It is to be strongly suspected that a good deal of this work is fomented by European political or commercial agents. Thus, the Brazilian people are constantly fed upon the most absurd statements as to the nefarious designs of the United States, especially in the matter of the dispute between Brazil and Bolivia over the Acre territory.

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the taxpayers a parochial or private-school system throughout the United Kingdom, to the weakening of the secular, or strictly public, school system that had been inaugurated some thirty years ago. The principal force in support of Mr. Balfour's bill is the Church of England; whose strongest ally in defense of this policy is the Roman Catholic Church, which would under the proposed law dominate the common-school system of Ireland, with all bills paid out of the public treasury. The opponents of the system are, chiefly, the great dissenting religious denominations, and those elements of the population that believe in general in the divorce of church from state and in the modernizing of British institutions. The most powerful personal leader who has come forward in opposition to Mr. Balfour's measure is the Rev. Dr. Clifford, foremost of English Baptists. Many thousands of prominent men following Dr. Clifford, and other Nonconformist leaders, have pledged themselves to the policy known as "passive resistance," that is to say, if the bill should become a law they will refuse to pay the taxes known as school rates, the proceeds of which would be turned over to the Church of England or other ecclesiastical denominations for the support of schools that are not under direct public control. With the South African War at an end, the English people are giving their attention to these questions of domestic policy that had been in abeyance for two or three years; and upon such issues the Liberals, who were hopelessly divided, and therefore without influence in the questions pertaining to South Africa, are finding a way to reunion, and accordingly to strength and influence. Mr. Chamberlain, who really shares with Mr. Balfour the leadership of the party in power, had formerly been much opposed to the granting of public support to private and denominational schools. But a few days before Parliament reassembled on October 16, he convinced his devoted followers in Birmingham that it was necessary to support Mr. Balfour's measure in order to prevent the defeat of the party in power at a time when, for other reasons, such, for example, as Mr. Chamberlain's own reconstruction policy in South Africa,-it is deemed imperative that the Balfour government should not be replaced by a Liberal ministry.

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coercion law for their active part in the new United Irish League, which is the successor of the old Land League. On general principles, there had been reason to suppose that the Irish party in Parliament would support Mr. Balfour's education bill. But their fierce opposition to Mr. Balfour's administration may lead them to oppose an education bill which they would otherwise favor, for the sake of helping to overthrow a ministry which they regard as peculiarly hostile to Ireland. The Irish leader, John E. Redmond, accompanied by John Dillon and Michael Davitt, attended an Irish convention in Boston last month, and have been speaking elsewhere. Of the new Irish movement Mr. Redmond says:

"The league is the ruling power in Ireland to-day, as truly as ever the Land League was. The government played into our hands by the coercion policy, and now the country is aroused. We are on the eve of a settlement of the land question, and after that national self-government will speedily come to Ireland.

"The Irish party now in the House of Commons is the only real opposition in the English Parliament, and I believe the day is near at hand when it will have the controlling influence in Great Britain.

"Hundreds of Irish are imprisoned under the Coercion act without receiving any trial by jury. But nobody cares for imprisonment under these circumstances. The more the people are attacked the higher their spirits rise."

To

English industrial questions have ocEnglish Industrial cupied an unusual share of attention Questions. during the past few weeks. The completion of Mr. Morgan's great steamship combination has been a foremost British topic. meet this situation, the British Government has committed itself to a plan for the granting of large subsidies to the Cunard line, which was thus dissuaded from going into the combination. The London Times has been leading in an ag gressive campaign against what is termed municipal socialism, that is to say, against the very rapid development in the English munici palities of the system of municipal ownership and operation of gas works, street railways, and kindred enterprises. It has now been charged that this aggressive movement against the municipal tendencies of the time in England has been solely at the instigation and expense of certain immense combinations of capital (on the American plan, and to some extent under American leadership) that are proposing to get control of the English trolley systems in pursuance of similar methods in the United Sates. There are also signs of active interest on the part of American capitalists, not merely in street railroads and London underground lines, but also in the standard steam railway systems of the United Kingdom.

HON. F. W. REITZ, FORMERLY TRANSVAAL STATE SECRETARY.

(Now speaking in this country.)

It is feared by many people in EngUneasiness in land that South African troubles are

South Africa. only beginning rather than ending. Certainly, the period of reconstruction bids fair to be a long and painful one. State Secretary Reitz of the Transvaal,-who, though he signed the treaty of peace, refused to accept amnesty and British citizenship for himself, and is now traveling in this country,-declares that there is scarcely a house left, outside the towns, in the entire region that formed the theater of the late war, and, further, that the money that England proposes to pay to help the farmers reëstablish themselves is only as a drop in the bucket compared with the sums that will be needed. The

Boer generals now in Europe regard Mr. Chamberlain's attitude toward the provisions of the peace treaty as narrow and ungenerous, and Lord Milner's extreme unpopularity in South Africa adds to the difficulties of a bad situation. The mine-owners at Johannesburg are strongly opposing the British plans for making them assume a great part of the financial burdens of the Thus, the last state of the Uitlanders seems to be worse than the first.

war.

The

In Cape Colony, the Dutch element Afrikander holds its political predominance firmBond. ly, and it is undoubtedly disposed to protect those more extreme pro-Boers in the colony who gave aid to the enemy in the recent war, and were therefore technically guilty of treason. Mr. Jan Hofmeyr, the famous old-time leader of the Afrikander Bond, as the organization of the Dutch element in Cape Colony is called, has now gone back to South Africa after an absence of more than two years. It was his support that originally lifted Cecil Rhodes into the premiership of Cape Colony, and it was he more than anyone else who aided Mr. Rhodes in making his territorial expansions of the British Empire. The Afrikander Bond is now going to extend its organization to the conquered territories of the South African Republic and the Transvaal. The position that the Bond will take is understood to be (1), a firm demand that in all internal affairs the Dutch in South Africa shall have the same rights and privileges, as regards language, religion, and other institutions, as are enjoyed by the French in Canada, and (2) a demand that in outside relations they be given the same freedom of action for South Africa that is enjoyed by the Dominion of Canada. The Boer generals have been traversing the Continent of Europe amidst many demonstrations of friendliness, but they have been disappointed in their hope of large gifts of money in aid of the impoverished South African farmers. It is said that they are now sorry they did not visit the United States before touring in Germany and France.

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Affairs

The

On October 16, the German Reichin Germany. Stag resumed again the discussion of the long-pending tariff bill. speech of Chancellor von Bülow was regarded by the extreme advocates of the new protective programme as destroying all chances of its suc

cess.

All appearances were that the measure would be defeated by a large majority, the Socialists and Radicals being against it because it is too favorable to the landed interests, while the Centrists and Conservatives are against it because they do not think it favorable enough to German agriculture. Dr. Andrew D. White is to complete his term of service as ambassador to Germany upon reaching his seventieth birthday early this month, and the appointment of Mr. Charlemagne Tower, who goes from St. Petersburg to Berlin, is said to be regarded with favor by the Germans. The failure of the German Emperor to receive the Boer generals was a much-advertised incident last month that had no real importance. Industrial questions in Germany, as in all other great countries, are upper

most just now, and capitalistic combinations similar to those in the United States are in that country, as in England, quite the order of the day.

Affairs in France.

It is interesting to turn from the strenuous attempts of Premier Balfour and the British party in power to hand over the common schools of their country to ecclesiastical control, to the equally strenuous attempts of Premier Combes and the French party in power to rescue elementary education in France from the undue control of religious associations. The French premier stands firm as a rock, and up to date he has the backing of a strong majority in the Chamber of Deputies. In the past three or four months some 2,500 schools taught by members of the religious orders have been closed. This school question had to divide attention in France last month with industrial difficulties, particularly with an extensive strike, which seems to have been due in some part to those disturbances of the whole world's fuel market that resulted from the great American coal famine and the demand in the United States for foreign coal. The French strike was by no means complete, and it did not promise to be of long duration as these pages were closed for the press. The death of Emile Zola was another topic that absorbed French attention for a few days. There is nothing striking or new in the foreign relations of France, but the past month has brought renewed evidences of the pacific intentions of the present French ministry, and of

its determination to abandon completely the idea that France is to attack Germany upon the first favorable occasion

in Turkey.

There is always smoke rising from The Situation the smouldering fires of political discontent in Macedonia and other parts of the Turkish Empire, but in the past few weeks the smoke has been denser than usual, and the apprehension that the flames might burst forth has been serious and widespread. The news from the Macedonian hills has not been very definite, but it is known that there was last month something like an organized uprising on foot, and that the movement of Turkish troops to suppress it was heavy. The diplomatic world was agog last month, furthermore, over reports that Russia was taking advantage of Turkey's difficulties to secure a renewal of those old-time arrangements which insured the freedom of the Dardanelles to Russia's ships and made the Black Sea a Russian lake. Next month is likely to have brought forth some more definite news from these troubled regions. Austria-Hungary is watching this situation very intently. The Hungarians, by the way, have been celebrating the centenary of the birth of Kossuth.

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CELEBRATING THE KOSSUTH CENTENARY IN BUDAPEST, HUNGARY.

vention of employers and employees held from September 23 to 25. This turned out to be a very instructive threedays' conference on the relations of labor and capital to one another and to the public, and it was participated in by a number of prominent employers, several labor leaders well qualified to speak, and statistical and economic authorities like Mr. Carroll D. Wright, Prof. John B. Clark, of Columbia University, and numerous others. It was a timely congress; and, to judge from the newspaper reports, its discussions must have been unusually valuable. At this time of aroused interest in all phases of the labor question, it would be a good thing if a full report containing the princi

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pal papers and speeches could be printed in popular form and widely distributed. The discussions. contained many references to the pending coal strike in Pennsylvania, and the experience of various states and countries was drawn upon. Colonel Wright's opening paper was a noteworthy address by a man who seems to have had many titles to prominence in these past few weeks, and of whom we are glad to publish an appreciative character-sketch elsewhere in this number of THE REVIEW. Colonel Wright's preliminary investigation of the anthracite situation appeared last month as an important brochure in the publications of the Bureau of Labor at Washington. In the conferences which led finally to arbitration, Colonel Wright's counsels were regarded as invaluable by the President. He was made recorder of the arbitrating tribunal, and will doubtless have a large part in directing its work and shaping its conclusions; he was also, last month, installed as president of the new collegiate department of Clark University at Worcester. A paper of profound worth at this Minneapolis conference was presented by Prof. John B. Clark, who discussed the question, "Is Compulsory Arbitration Inevitable?"

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Some

The place that our universities and University higher institutions of learning hold Occasions in American life and society was freshly illustrated last month by the great attention paid to the inauguration of new presidents in several important institutions. The notable gatherings of educational leaders and public men that marked, early in the year, the inauguration of President Remsen at the Johns Hopkins, and President Butler at Columbia, were recalled by the assemblage at Princeton on October 25 to witness the formal induction of President Woodrow Wilson into his new office. Of President Wilson's career hitherto as historian, man of letters, publicist, orator, and educationist, Mr. Robert Bridges wrote in this magazine several months ago. Princeton's great part in the nation's past is only an earnest of its future influence and usefulness. It is pleasant to note that President Patton, who remains at Princeton, holding a university professorship in his favorite field of study, has also accepted the presidency of the famous Princeton Theological Seminary. President Edmund J. James, of Northwestern University, which has a beautiful location on the shores of Lake Michigan, at Evanston, just north of Chicago,-had been installed on October 21, after two or three gala days, whose brilliant programmes were participated in by a number of distinguished educators. These university occasions have, of late, become veritable love

Photo by Pirie MacDonald, New York.

PRESIDENT WOODROW WILSON OF PRINCETON.

feasts in their showing forth of the spirit of mutual good-will and coöperation that now marks our American university and college life. The old superciliousness of Eastern institutions toward "fresh-water colleges," so called, has totally disappeared, at least, in so far as the real leaders are concerned. Never before have our colleges and universities so faithfully represented the best ideals of American life; and never before have they been so zealous and so intelligent in their efforts to adapt themselves to the best service of the whole people. Dr. James is a thorough master of educational science and of the art of administration; and he has in his new work the hearty sympathy and support of President Harper, and the authorities of the neighboring University of Chicago. The Northwestern is now more than fifty years old, and it has collegiate and professional students to the number of about 2,500,-about one-quarter of these being students in the collegiate department at Evanston. Its professional schools occupy a large building in the heart of Chicago, and they have important rank among institutions of their respective kinds. The Northwestern has been under the especial auspices of

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