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those who so write that their work is literature. The canary-bird loves of "Hezekiah's Wives," by Miss L. H. French, go in this short list. Yet the atmosphere is of the English novel list, not the American. Not so the Story of Mary MacLane." It would have been published nowhere else. Many think it should not have been possible anywhere. But if you are catholic you can admire both, for this, too, is a document which lays bare the dumb misery of platoons of American girls, none the less real because imaginary, grotesque. This and the "Confessions of a Wife" are really the only books of sex this year. Women detest this feminine revelation. They feel it a betrayal. It began well. It broke down after marriage, it being easier for most people to articulate affection before than after wedlock. Our plain-spoken English speech does not express what is easier in Latin tongues and Eastern languages. For myself, I would rather be one of the "Misdemeanors of Nancy," by Miss Eleanor Hoyt, than the object of these letters. "Nancy" is nearly perfect, -too finely framed for a big sale. Of first books, turned out by three and twenty, is "The Late Returning," by Miss Margery Williams, a vivid tropical story, short, hot, and penetrating, which prefigures surprising work in the future.

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The

Decoy" is another first book, by a man, Mr. Francis Dana, which wrestles awkwardly, but with

M. MAETERLINCK.

SIR A. CONAN DOYLE.

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effect, with New England spiritualism. It has a definite purpose. This appears in the "Things that Are Cæsar's," of Mr. Reginald Kauffmann, whose Jarvis of Harvard gave no hint of the very serious treatment of the difficulties which environ the convict seeking work and finding none.

These two belong to a growing group of American novels,-for the most part, however, without definite aim,-which seek to give the moving show. Journalism has a large share of this attention, because journalists are men trying to write, some of whom write. Many Waters," by Mr. R. Shackleton, photographs a paper like the Journal just as Mr. John Graham, in the "Great God Success," took his man into the New York Sun office. Neither get anywhere. This is the difficulty with the mining family which have struck it rich in "The Spenders" (Mr. H. L. Wilson), the "Russells in Chicago"-Boston in the West-The Minority" (Frederick Trevor Hill), a novel of trusts, the Thirteenth District" (Brand Whitlock), an Illinois political fight and failure, these all describe. They do nothing more. Reportage does not make a novel. When Josiah Flynt"-Mr. Josiah Flynt Willard-gives the tramp as he has never been given before and probably never will be again, it is of small moment that "The Little Brother" has a rudimentary plot. Mr. F. Hopkinson Smith has the same advantage added to long training in

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the conduct and contents of a story when he brings "Oliver Horn," a Southern boy, to New York forty years ago and sets him at work studying art. Exaggerated as his method is, Mr. Fuller gives the distinctly local habitation and name of "art" in Chicago "Under the Skylights." Clara Morris' (Mrs. Harriott) "A Pasteboard Crown" compensates for crude story by accurate knowledge, and, as is the habit of the feminine author, says boldly what men hesitate to express. "Sir Richard Calmady" had this characteristic, but it has also that power of continuous consecutive characterization which lifts a story out of the ordinary. It may almost be said to share alone with The Valley of Decision" the elevation of manner which belongs to the higher walk of the novel. "Scarlet and Hyssop," for all its moralizing, lacks this altogether, and Mr. E. F. Benson is still left with "Dodo" as the only work for which he will be remembered.

Two paths of past success each year sees trodden anew- -sacred and historical. Few see that the technical difficulties of the storyteller increase as his framework is fixed. Mr. Aaron Dwight Baldwin turns into dullness itself the "Gospel of Judas Iscariot," and Mrs. Rosamond D. Rhone has retold, with patient minute care, "The Days of the Son of Man." Dr. Paul Carus touches with sentiment the "Crown of Thorns."

"Belshazzar " has been done with archæological accuracy by Mr. William Stearns Davis, but while it is well to be accurate, it is indispensable to be interesting. This lacks. "Hohenzollern" has this, though Mr. Cyrus Townsend Brady lacks knowledge, and is now and then bumptious

in his note. "Jezebel" has about it no shred of the original, except the proper names; but Mr. Lafayette McLaws keeps his story moving, and that is more than to have your gods and weapons of the right date. There is nothing after all quite so unreal as an historical novel like "The Assassins," Mr. Nevill Myers Meakin,-which is worked by machinery instead of imagination.

THE ENGLISH STORY WRITER'S STYLE IS BEST.

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The advantage which the English novel has in the same task is that it almost always is better written. The journalist, Mr. Hugh S. Scott, who issues a novel or two a year as Henry Seton Merriman," has no special power in the Polish story, " The Vultures," or in its Spanish companion, The Velvet Glove." These are both carefully studied; though no more than a round dozen of American stories; but they are well written. They read well. They have not the slips which even men of note have with us. So with the very commonplace stories of a princely Italian family, "A Roman Mystery," and of English society, "The Just and Unjust," which Mr. Richard Bagot has added to his list-they enjoy a certain level of expression unknown in the average American novel.

Throughout the American fiction of the year this lack is apparent. Whether it be the newspaper or the absence of a certain selection in speech bred by a highly organized society, through all the round of prose expression the American lacks style, something which the Englishman,-more stupid, less facile,-manages to acquire.

EDWARD EGGLESTON.

BY ROSSITER JOHNSON.

WHEN the Authors' Club gave a reception to

Edward Eggleston, on the occasion of the publication of the first volume of his most important work, "The Beginners of a Nation," one of the speakers said Dr. Eggleston had discovered the perfect way to write history. This was, to write first all the fiction that he possibly could, and after that, by logical necessity, whatever he wrote would be truth. The jest was in reality more than a jest; for, in fact, Dr. Eggleston, after writing a great deal of fiction—some of which has a world-wide reputation, and had been translated into several foreign languages,set himself at work upon those early periods of

American history about which the least is known, and was so skillful and conscientious in his research that he has come closer to the truth, and revealed more of it that was before unknown to the general reader, than any of his predecessors.

He was born in Vevay, Indiana, in 1837. His father was a lawyer from Virginia, who died when Edward was very young. Delicate health prevented the boy from going to college, but did not prevent him from acquiring a fine and thor. ough education. At the age of twenty he became a Methodist preacher in Indiana, riding circuit, after the fashion of those days. A little later he was the general agent of the Bible Society in

Minnesota. The nature of his work there, or at least some of its incidents, is indicated by a story that he once told me of being overtaken in his travels on foot by a snowstorm, and wandering about the prairie until he was lost and sat down in despair, but, rousing himself to one more effort, succeeded in reaching a house, and found that he had traveled in a circle. These vocations were not very remunerative, and he was obliged to do something in addition to support his family, the additional pursuits being, as he expressed it, "always honest, but sometimes undignified." From this work he advanced naturally to the profession of an editor, and was so successful from the first that when he edited the Sunday School Teacher, in Chicago, its circulation rose quickly from 5,000 to 35,000. A little later he had some connection with the New York Independent, but passed from that to the editorship of the newly established Hearth and Home. Here, when a serial story was wanted, he recalled his boyhood days in Indiana, and partly from memory, partly from imagination, produced

The Hoosier Schoolmaster," which was published, with realistic illustrations, and made an immediate success. The End of the World,"

The Circuit Rider," and other stories followed rapidly. It was not alone the Western picture that made the strength of his first novel, but the peculiar shrewdness of old Mrs. Means, and the striking originality of the boy who wished to "belong to the church of the best licks," that gave it a Dickens-like distinctness that fixed it in the memory of every reader. He told me, when I asked him, that his account of the device by which the schoolmaster drove out the boys who had barred the door against him was imaginary. But it is a curious fact that Horace Greeley, in his Recollections," tells exactly the same thing as actually happening in his boyhood. I believe Dr. Eggleston had not read the "Recollections."

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It has been laid down as almost an axiom that only a rich man can write history effectively, be.. cause of the costly research and the slow returns. But Dr. Eggleston, in that work to which he was most devoted, showed once more that some things

can be done as well as others. He did not hesi tate to expend freely whatever he had for the necessary research, and when funds were giving out, he laid the history aside and wrote something that would bring immediate returns. This was his reason, for instance, for writing The Faith Doctor."

The doctor had all the qualifications for an admirable talker; a genial personality, a pleas. ant voice, a picturesque head and mobile face, a vast abundance of interesting facts at command, including a great many that were new even to

Jacques Reich?

DR. EDWARD EGGLESTON.

(Who died at Lake George on September 2.)

the best educated of us, and a command of language that gave a rhythmic flow to his words. While the object of his search was solid and significant fact, he had a keen sense of humor and an eye for the picturesque which caused him to pick up all the incidental plums by the way.

Of that which he considered his crowning work, two volumes have appeared: "The Beginners of a Nation" and "The Transit of Civilization." Something had been done on a third, but how much I do not know. I fear we shall look in vain for the man to take up the work and continue it in the spirit and manner with which he had so far carried it on.

"In seclusion and remote from men
The wizard hand lies cold,

Which at its topmost speed let fall the pen,
And left the tale half told.

Ah! who shall lift that wand of magic power,
And the lost clew regain?

The unfinished window in Aladdin's tower
Unfinished must remain!"

TYPICAL PARTY PLATFORMS OF 1902.

[The Massachusetts Democratic platform, as adopted last month, was written by Hon. Josiah Quincy, and is a document of exceptional merit and value from the party standpoint. We therefore reprint it herewith. The Connecticut Republican platform, as supplemented by the speech of Senator O. H. Platt before the Connecticut convention, in exposition of current Republican doctrines and claims, may well be reprinted also, to give the other side its turn.-THE EDITOR. ]

THE

I. THE MASSACHUSETTS DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM.

Democrats of Massachusetts in convention assembled, reaffirming their allegiance to the fundamental principles of Democracy, invite the support of all opponents of modern Republican policies, and make the following declarations upon questions which now demand public attention and require speedy legislative action.

In the place of the Republican policy of fostering and protecting great monopolies by legislation, at the expense of the people, we demand protection for the people against the abuses and exactions of monopoly. We make no warfare upon any legitimate corporate business which is willing to sustain itself without governmental favors, and to submit to reasonable governmental supervision and regulation, but the supremacy of the State over its corporate creatures must be asserted and maintained, and they must conduct their business with due regard to the vast public interests in their charge.

Exorbitant tariff duties are producing a surplus which is to-day locking up in the Treasury money which our business needs urgently require; these should be reduced to a reasonable revenue basis.

Free raw material is the only sound foundation for the manufacturing supremacy which this country is seeking; we again demand that the duties upon such material, so injurious and unfair to the industrial development of this commonwealth, shall be wholly removed. We demand particularly free coal, free iron ore, free wool, and free hides, and we condemn the Republican policy of sacrificing great New England interests to its political exigencies. We favor any honest policy of reciprocity with other nations, and we particularly demand the passage of a liberal measure of reciprocity with Canada.

The present tariff is protecting great trusts and making exorbitant profits upon the necessities of our people, while selling their products to foreign. markets at much lower prices than the prices exacted here. We demand the repeal of all tariff duties upon articles whose production is controlled by trusts. This is the one simple, practical, and immediate remedy which will at

least limit the exactions of monopoly; it can be applied while further legislation is being formu lated and discussed. The Federal Government can at least allow the people to purchase their coal and their meat, which have been rising toward prohibitive prices, without paying tribute to the coal trusts and the meat trusts.

A decent regard for the interests of the people requires that both sides to a great industrial controversy should accept the principle of arbitration. We condemn the arrogant refusal of the representatives of the anthracite coal combination to submit to arbitration their differences with their employees as the cause of vast loss and injury to the general public.

As we declared a year ago, "The people of Cuba, for whose welfare we have made ourselves trustees, are plainly entitled to the most favored commercial relations with this country." The refusal of the present Republican Congress, under the dictation of selfish special interests, to give Cuba, through proper tariff concessions, a living chance of establishing a stable and efficient government, under her own flag, was a shameful betrayal of our national honor. While she is entitled, whenever it is her own desire, to enjoy the advantages of a full political union with this country, and consequently freedom of trade with us, such a union should never be forced upon her by bankruptcy deliberately created by our actions. We denounce the small measure of relief which some Republicans were willing to grant as utterly inadequate to meet the situation in which their representatives left Cuba.

We are opposed to all forms of governmental subsidies to favored interests or classes, whether on land or on the sea.

We reaffirm our opposition to colonial imperialism in every form, and again demand that our government shall declare its purpose to give to the people of the Philippine Islands, at the earliest possible date, their independence under the protection of this country.

The action of the Federal Government has proved inadequate to adapt Boston Harbor to the rapidly growing requirements of commerce, and

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to maintain its relative position with other ports; we believe that the business interests of this State now require that the commonwealth, in conjunc. tion with the city of Boston, should join in this work of improvement, and hasten and extend it.

We favor stringent laws to prevent the use of the patronage of corporations to influence legislation and political action; corporations should be prohibited from giving employment to persons recommended by office-holders or members of political committees, and recommendations by them for such employment should also be forbidden.

Emphasizing the above matters as those now demanding most immediate consideration, while reaffirming our support of the reforms in State government and legislation embodied in our last platform, including responsible executive government, restriction of special legislation, a proper system of referendum, primary elections, direct nominations, elections of the United States Senators by the people, progressive labor legislation, including an eight-hour law, home rule for cities, we confidently appeal to the people to support our candidates.

II. THE CONNECTICUT REPUBLICAN PLATFORM, WITH SENATOR
O. H. PLATT'S STATEMENT OF REPUBLICAN
POLICY AND DOCTRINE.

We heartily approve and applaud President Roosevelt's vigilant care of the country's interests, domestic and foreign. We share his pride in the magnificent work of the American soldier and sailor and the American administrator in the country's new dependencies, and his resentment against their unpatriotic traducers, and we favor his nomination for the Presidency by the National Republican Convention of 1904.

We believe, with Lincoln, Garfield, Blaine, McKinley, and Roosevelt, in a protective tariff that wisely fosters American industries and safeguards American wages. We oppose a general revision of the tariff at this time as both inopportune and unnecessary. If, in any schedule, import duties are found that have been notoriously perverted from their true purpose to the inordinate enrichment of corporations, monopo. listic in fact or in tendency, we look to a Republican Congress to apply, in its wisdom, the needed corrective without impairing the principle of protection.

We believe, with William McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt, in the policy of trade reciprocity as the natural supplement of tariff protection, and the key with which to unlock the world's markets for the surplus products of American fields and American mills. Especially we commend the President's efforts to perform a plain duty, and obtain for this country a lucrative commerce by arranging a judicious reciprocity treaty with Cuba. And we also commend and thank the chairman of the Committee on Rela. tions with Cuba, our honored and beloved Senator O. H. Platt, for his earnest support of the President in these efforts.

The Republican party has ever recognized the value and dignity of labor, which is the founda

tion of our national wealth, prosperity, and happiness, and sought to enact such legislation as would safeguard the true interests of labor, and it will continue to favor all measures justly calculated to secure that end.

We believe that great aggregations of capital,, commonly called "trusts," "while necessary for

the economic conduct of large business and commercial enterprises, should be subject to such supervision, State or national, as will safeguard public and private interests.

[The above are all the planks of the platform that relate to national issues. Those paragraphs of Senator Platt's speech before the convention that deal with questions of national interest are printed below ]

SENATOR PLATT'S CONVENTION

SPEECH AT HARTFORD.

Let us, then, turn our attention to the wider field. Shall we endorse or condemn the Republican administration so gloriously begun by Willam McKinley, so grandly continued by Theodore Roosevelt? The United States has enjoyed six years of unexampled prosperity. That prosperity has been coincident with Republican administration. During that period our career has been one of uninterrupted development, progress, and glory. In whatever contributes to domestic prosperity and happiness, and to international influence and helpfulness, the United States has, under Republican administration, reached high-water mark. Six years

ago the business of the country was in the depths of depression. National credit was shaken to its foundations. Its people were largely unemployed, discontented, and unhappy. We were

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