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from the window of a nipa hut where he was


cause, sprang upon a passing native, threw him to the ground, and began to beat him unmerci. fully. It took ten men to take the soldier to the hospital, where for two hours he raved, suffering apparently from the delusion that he was in action. The surgeon did not give him any seda. tive, wishing to observe the case. This man had formerly belonged to the signal corps, and in his delirium he sent and received messages, and went through all the technicalities of an advance under fire. Before long he became quiet, and slept all night. The following morning he had no recollection of the incident, but was very depressed, rather ashamed of his being in hospital, and requested to be returned to duty, as he felt all right.' This man bore an excellent reputation, was popular with his officers and comrades, and had never been known to drink or in any way badly comport himself.

"There were two other men in the company who were known to be suffering from chronic nostalgia. The resulting depression of spirits had made them negligent of their duties to the extent of being several times reprimanded, and once or twice sent to the guard-house. Soon there developed the profound conviction that every one was leagued against them. This in one case produced a morbid mental condition that resulted in an attempted suicide by jumping into the river. The other was found by an officer and a squad of men deliberately attempting the murder of a native. It was impossible to discover any motive for the act. One of these men returned to San Francisco under the care of the author, the other was lost sight of. The man who was sent home made a perfect recovery before the Golden Gate was reached.

"There was another case of a commissioned officer whose health was such that he was ordered by the commanding medical officer to remain in hospital. This order produced a state of irritation in the patient entirely disproportionate to the cause. Upon his attempting to leave the officers' ward he was forcibly detained, at which his rage knew no bounds, even reaching the point of his loudly threatening to kill the medical offi. cer upon the next opportunity that offered. The recovery of this patient was, as far as we know, complete. Indeed, he could hardly have been described as demented at any time."

Dr. Rowland gives such instances to help him in his graphic account of an imaginary trio of nice, average American boys, whom he introduces into the hell of Philippine warfare to do exactly the things which have recently shocked millions of American citizens.


the July Atlantic Monthly, Mr. W. F. WilRico, a timely article describing the work of the first legislative assembly and its enactments, which go into effect July 1, 1902. Congress gave the newly constituted government the greatest freedom to work out the problems of revenue, education, public works, and local government.

The two sessions of the first legislative assem. bly have been completed. The American members of the government, constituting the majority of the executive council, are able to control the action of that body. The lower house is composed entirely of representatives elected by the Porto Ricans. Therefore, any measure to become a law must meet with the approval of both representatives of the United States and of Porto



A new revenue system for the island has been devised after careful investigations by the President's special commissioner, Dr. Hollander. At his recommendation, a fiscal system has been provided closely following the American practice of taxation. Porto Rico's revenues are obtained from excise and license taxes on liquors, tobacco, and certain classes of commercial paper, a property tax of one-quarter of 1 per cent. on all real and personal property, a tax upon inheritances, and certain miscellaneous imposts. Congress has provided that the receipts from all customs duties from Porto Rico on foreign importations should be turned over to the island treasury, and the act itself made elaborate provisions for carrying out a thorough assessment of property on the island.


Mr. Willoughby thinks the bill embodying the fundamental school law for the island is very successful. Local boards have been created all over the island, the municipalities have been required to devote a certain percentage of their income to school purposes, schools have been established, and the Porto Ricans have entered into the work with great enthusiasm. Special acts provide for the sending of twenty young men and women to the United States, at the expense of the insular government, to be educated in the various arts and trades, and a further number of young men to pursue advanced studies.


Governor Hunt, of Porto Rico, when secretary, introduced a law providing for trial by jury. Another created an insular police force, the municipalities not possessing financial resources



All these important matters were attended to in the first session of the legislature, and the second one definitely adopted a series of law courts, and reorganized the entire system of local government. The special commission appointed by the Secretary of War drafted a penal code, a code of criminal procedure, a civil, and a political code. The adoption of these codes will produce a great improvement, as the change of government from the Spanish to the United States military authorities, and then from the military to the civil authorities, has produced great confusion.


sufficient to maintain a police force on a proper basis. Police courts have been organized, a

director of charities and a director of prisons have THAT there is a debit as well as a credit side

been appointed, a penitentiary has been established, cemeteries provided for, and the larger munici palities have been authorized to incur bonded indebtedness to an extent not exceeding in any one case 7 per cent. of their total property value.

to our national dealings with Cuba is a fact that Mr. Albert G. Robinson does not intend to have ignored. In an article which he contributes to the June Forum, he reviews what has been done during the past four years by the government of intervention, summarizing the gifts and benefits to Cuba, -as well as the bur dens and liabilities,-which he regards as directly chargeable to the American administra tion.


The bill for the new scheme of local government changes the old system whereby legislative and executive powers were exercised by the same parties. Under the new régime, the mayor of a municipality is no longer the president of the council, and the council is intrusted with no appointments except that of comptroller.

In the second place, the local authorities do not any longer have to get an authorization before they can take any important step, though, on an appeal, the central government can intervene to prevent illegal action. The treasurer of the island prescribes the manner and form in which the municipality shall keep their accounts. He has power to deposit moneys, audit claims, require reports, and, most important of all, to inspect the accounts of the municipal treasurers and comptrollers.

Two special laws compel each municipality to devote a certain proportion of its income to a school fund, and divide the island into a number of road districts, with a provision that no less than 25 per cent. of the income derived from rural real estate taxes shall be carried to a road improvement fund.

Mr. Willoughby calls attention to the fact that all this work, and more which he tells of, is only the beginning of the task, as these laws will depend entirely for their success on the manner in which they are administered and the tact and ability with which the American representatives exercise their delicate functions of control and supervision.


The benefits, it hardly need be said, greatly outweigh the sum total of burdens bequeathed to the Cuban people by our government. There stands, first, to our credit the expulsion of the Spanish oppressor. Then there was the establishment of a school system reaching 150,000 pupils and employing 4,000 teachers. This school system, notwithstanding its cost (about $8,000,000 to date), is undoubtedly a valuable legacy, although Mr. Robinson thinks there is some reason to fear that the new republic will be unable to maintain it on the same scale. The sum of $10,000,000 has been spent on sanitation, and although the discovery of the fever-bearing mosquito has removed one of the chief motives for the cleansing of Havana and other Cuban cities, still the general benefits of cleanliness remain, and it is something that the metropolis of the new republic has learned the lesson of municipal sanitation.


Financial honesty in administration is another American innovation in Cuba. On this point Mr. Robinson says:

"With the unfortunate and glaring exception of the frauds in the Post-Office Department, the administration in Cuba is open to no charges of any moment upon the score of its financial honesty. A few cases of peculation have occurred from time to time, but they have been wholly trivial. The change in the methods employed in Cuba's custom houses has been radical and fruitful in its results. For three years, one of the most efficient officers in the American service, Col. Tasker H. Bliss, U.S. A., has administered the affairs of that institution with a fidelity to his arduous duty, and a persistence in clean and honest methods, which have revolutionized the department, and which will stand as an objectlesson in all the days to come. His difficulties have been endless, and his work has been onerous. His successful solution of his complex problem has commanded, for him and for his work, the approval and the respect of the best in Havana's commercial circles. Whether or not the

Cubans will continue his methods when the work comes into their hands, his conduct of that department will remain as a permanent standard of honesty and efficiency.

What has been said of Colonel Bliss is to be said as well for Major Eugene F. Ladd, who, for some two years, administered the affairs of the insular treasury. During that time there passed through his department upward of $30,000,000.00, no single penny of which remained unaccounted for. His withdrawal from the island was the occasion of keen and sincere regret on the part of all who had dealings with his department. This was due both to his personality and to the unswerving integrity with which he conducted the affairs of his important office.


In the main, the departmental work of the government of intervention is deserving of the highest encomiums, and cannot fail of important results in the later conduct of the work by other hands. The work of Major E. St. John Greble, in the inauguration of industrial schools for orphan boys and girls, and in the reëstablishment of the system of hospitals and asylums for the sick, the helpless, and the insane, will long remain as a memorial of faithful and endlessly helpful service. There are a score of American officers in Havana, and other Cuban cities, who have done most faithful work in the effort to lay a broad and stable foundation for the future structure. If Cuban administration be not honest, if Cuban officials be not faithful, it will not be for lack of proper example. It will be because three years of financial honesty in official administration are not sufficient to eradicate the teachings of three centuries of systematic dishonesty.

Among the minor bequests incidental to the routine of governmental activities in Cuba, Mr. Robinson mentions the construction of bridges, the reëstablishment and improvement of the lighthouse system, repairs to public parks and buildings, broadening of the marriage laws, improvements in the sanitary condition of penal institutions, the establishment of a free dispensary in Havana, and the promulgation of a law prohibiting cruelty to animals.


After this enumeration of the undoubted blessings conferred on the Cuban people during the period of the American occupation, Mr. Robinson proceeds to set forth certain phases of American rule which, he thinks, may result in injury rather than benefit. These have chiefly to do with the administration of justice. Mr. Robinson holds that we were not called upon to reform the legal system inherited from Spain. As well might we

have remodelled Morro Castle because, forsooth, we objected to its architecture.

It is true that many of the existing laws in Cuba did not conform to American ideas. The same may be said of the laws which existed in Louisiana at the time of our acquisition of that section. The Louisiana country was ceded to the United States in 1803. In 1804, there was established the Territory of New Orleans, prac tically identical in its boundaries with those of the State of Louisiana, which was admitted to the Union in 1812. It was very many years before radical changes were introduced into the established code of that section, which was distinctly a part of the United States, although the laws were Spanish and basically the same as those of Cuba. Yet in Cuba, declared by our courts to be foreign territory, and in spite of our declaration against exercising 'sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control,' men having little or no knowledge of Spanish or any other law, and wholly unable even to read the laws of Cuba, have annulled, repealed, and amended at their own sweet will.

"Of practical reform in methods of procedure there has been little enough, and the courts of the island are not greatly different from what they were when we went there three years ago. It would appear that all sight has been lost of the fact that Cuban laws are for Cubans and not for Americans. It may be wholly within the functions of a temporarily established government of intervention to issue regulations which facilitate the necessary work of an administration. This would include such matters as the proper registration of births, the fixing of salaries, the obligation to contract for all public work, the quarantine of immigrants during the fever season, and all the numerous minor instances of frequent occurrence in purely administrative processes. It is difficult, however, to find any justification for many radical changes which have been introduced by methods which, at their best, are greatly confusing."

The burden of Mr. Robinson's complaint is that in dealing with Cuba we ignored, to a great extent, Cuba's past history, and attempted political and administrative reforms when it was the island's economic condition that most needed attention. For this we have done comparatively


"Whether that which we have really done for Cuba and the Cuban people shall prove of lasting benefit to them and to ourselves depends chiefly upon their own ability to do for themselves what we have failed to do for them, and toward the accomplishment of which we have contributed little or nothing. Cuba's weal or woe in days to

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for June.

The New Liberal Review opens with a paper by Sir George Arthur on " King Edward the Seventh." He says that never before in Eng. lish history has the distinguished yet strictly subordinate position of the heir to the throne been so happily filled. It is by no means the least of King Edward's qualifications to reign. that through his long period of probation he has been the first to obey. The coronation is above all else a religious act of supreme solemnity; it is a pact made between King and people, with an appeal for the divine sanction. In these days we have attained to a synthesis of the conflicting principles of the claims of the ruler and the rights of the individual. In theory the King can perform every function of government, but in practice most of the work personally performed by the sovereign is wisely hidden from public view. The saying that the King reigns but does not govern, means that on his ministers, not on himself, rests the personal responsibility for all measures and acts of government. Sir George Arthur lays stress on the fact that the King has been brought up to the business of statesmanship. He has always been in office, and his knowledge of political affairs is actually greater than that of any other man in the country. His position is a common ground upon which all can meet, and the fact that the King is a persona grata to all the chief men in the realm serves to smooth down the acerbities of political life.


Mr. L. W. Vernon Harcourt, in the same review, deals with the coronation among "Dimorphous Ceremonies." His article gives an interesting account of the old ceremony of knightage; but his chief object is to point out certain incongruities in all such ceremonies. Prima facie, he says, it is not credible that a coronation service used for Ethelred II. can prove suitable for the

coronation of Edward VII. He does not think that the coronation service will be retained much longer. It cannot be regarded as an essential religious ceremony, because it may be deferred with impunity, while as a social function it is indefensible on account of the expense incurred. If it is merely a popular ceremony, it might be made a great deal more popular, at the price, by being held in the Albert Hall or in Hyde Park. From the point of view of a religious service it is altogether regrettable, for, ethically speaking, Westminster Abbey is as openly converted into a house of merchandise, for the purposes of the spectacle, as if oxen and sheep were sold there. Altogether, Mr. Harcourt is hardly a coronation enthusiast; and most persons would think that coronations are too far outside the sphere of logic to be criticised on such purely logical grounds.

In Bygone Times.


Mr. E. S. Hope, C. B., contributes to the Nineteenth Century a long article on "Bygone Coronation Progresses. He goes through the coronation records from William the Conqueror's time up to George the Fourth, and gives many interesting notes as to incidents that occurred and the evolution of the present ceremonial order. Richard the Second's coronation is the first in which any record of the "Court of Claims" ap. pears, and also is notable for the first appearance of the Knights of the Bath. In those days a Norfolk was Earl-Marshal, a Hastings carried the Golden Spurs, a Dymoke was King's Champion, although he seems not to have known whether his challenge should be made at the Abbey or in Westminster Hall. The great cavalcade from the Tower was abandoned by James the Second on economical grounds. Several sovereigns have been crowned twice, Richard the First having the ceremony repeated after his return from captivity. But only one king, Edward the Fifth, went to his grave unanointed and uncrowned. Edward the First was the first sovereign to be crowned in the Abbey as it now stands; and his son, Edward the Second, was the first to be enthroned on the Stone of Destiny. Only once has this stone left the Abbey, and that was when Cromwell was installed upon it in Westminster Hall as Lord Protector. It is to be hoped that the present coronation will not end as did Charles the Second's, when a fight took place in Westminster Hall between the King's Footmen and the Barons of the Cinque Ports for the possession of the canopy, with its silvered spears and silver-gilt bells; or as did George the Fourth's, when the banquet tables were looted and very nearly cleared of all the coronation plate. George the Fourth's coronation is


that it could have been resisted, and ought to have been resisted. The real origin of the whole strategical scheme was the steel trust, and the shipping lines and the ocean syndicate are only the tentacles of that great octopus. "Calchas quotes Mr. Schwab's statement to an interviewer from the Koelnische Zeitung to prove that the steel trust intends to cut off the entire export of British and German iron industries in the lean years, when England will realize what American competition means as she has never done before. The syndicate is not meant to be confined to the North Atlantic. The steel trust looks to the Australian and South African markets. The acquisition of the White Star Line provides Mr. Morgan with an Australian and South African service. What we are discussing is not the insertion of the thin end of the wedge, but a blow driving up to the middle a wedge already inserted. If the nation remains passive, in ten years' time the finest passenger steamers and the largest freight fleets in the Atlantic will fly the American flag. The Belfast building agreement is simply meant to make as difficult as possible any effort on the part of English capitalists to fight the trusts. They must, however, be fought, and the hope of "Calchas" is that the syndicate may break down from over-capitalization. The German lines, with a tonnage of over a million, have only a capital of £14,000,000 ($70,000,000), while Mr. Morgan capitalizes his syndicate at £34,000,000 for a tonnage of only 648,000 tons. To some it appears as if Mr. Morgan had bought, at a price infinitely beyond its value, a mass of tonnage which in ten years will be obsolete. But "Calchas" is not disposed to rely upon these

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councils of optimism. He thinks that Mr. Mor. gan is only at the beginning of his conquests.


His advice is that England should fight the trusts, and that the British state should take the field against the American trust. The German Emperor has shown what may be done by way of prevention. "Calchas" suggests that some. thing may well be done by way of cure. First, he would amend the law of merchant shipping so as to secure complete equality of competitive conditions between British and foreign vessels. The anomaly of the lighting dues should be abolished, and foreign vessels be compelled to submit to the same load-line regulations as those enforced on British vessels. Secondly, he would deepen British docks and harbors. Thirdly, he would grant subsidies to British shipowners, and begin by counterpoising the grant of £280,000 per annum, which has enabled German shipping to gain the ascendency in the far East. Fourthly, he would give an imperial guarantee to a new imperial steamship line running from Queenstown to Halifax in less than five days. As the nucleus of a counter-combine the Cunard and Allan lines are indispensable. If nothing but subsidies will keep them out of Mr. Morgan's hands, England must subsidize at once. Fifthly, he would reenact the navigation laws in a modified form as the only remedy which would be absolutely and instantly effective. If England levied discriminating duties upon all imports brought in foreign bottoms, an attempt of the United States to retaliate would be commercial suicide.

"Calchas" reminds us that Adam Smith regarded the navigation laws as perhaps the wisest of all the commercial regulations of England. Their revival would smash the whole theory and process of Morganeering at a single blow. The navigation laws would make British ships what they would be in universal free-trade conditions, the cheapest medium of exchange. There is no greater political ideal in the world than that of Anglo-American friendship, but England will promote it far better by healthy proof of her own vigor and resources than by a spirit of maudlin resignation.

In the New Liberal Review the writer of the serial articles on "The Present State of our Navy" deals with the shipping trust. His argument is that England must fight the trust by founding a line of steamers which will be free from the influence of the American railways. Halifax should be the port on the American side of the Atlantic. It is 840 miles nearer to Liverpool than is New York, and in time of steaming

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