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WESTMINSTER ABBEY AS ARRANGED FOR THE CORONATION CEREMONY.
(The King will be crowned August 9, in St. Edward's chair, in the foreground of the picture, and will afterward occupy the elevated throne.)
the world. And since Prince George is of mature years, and thoroughly well known, his coming to the throne would have involved no surprises or uncertainties. Everything would have gone on exactly as before; public affairs would not have been appreciably affected, and the private citizen would have perceived no difference. In the case of Queen Victoria there had grown up, by reason of the great length and marvelous success of her reign, and especially by reason of her exemplary qualities as sovereign and as woman, a feeling of personal attachment and devotion on the part of many millions of her subjects. King Edward has had neither time
will, on the other hand, add something to that new seriousness and dignity of character which Edward has seemed to show since his accession to the throne. Doubtless he will never wholly recover his former physical vigor, although he may live for a good many years. Queen Victoria was so great a figure that the royal family, as a whole, suffered a good deal in comparison. Now that she is gone and that her successor has been very close to the threshold, it is extremely interesting to observe that the royal family stands high in the esteem of the British people, and that it seems to have adjusted itself remarkably well to prevailing views and standards. Thus, the King's brother, the Duke of Connaught, is useful and respected, and is a military
THE RT. HON. ARTHUR BALFOUR.
(The new British prime minister.)
retirement from political office. He did not allow the postponement of the coronation to change his plans, but merely waited until the King was well enough to be consulted and to name his successor as prime minister. Simultaneously with the announcement, on July 13, of Lord Salisbury's retirement, it was made known that the Rt. Hon. Arthur J. Balfour had been selected as his successor. There had been some idea that Mr. Chamberlain might succeed Lord Salisbury; but, although Mr. Chamberlain has undoubtedly come to be recognized as the most energetic and potent member of the government, he has continued to belong, nominally at least, to the Liberal Unionist party rather than to the Conservatives, although the Unionists have been acting with the Conservatives so generally upon most questions of policy that the distinction seemed to have lost much of its meaning. Mr. Chamberlain, moreover, while accepted as necessary by the rank and file of the Conservative politicians, is disliked by many of them, and Mr. Balfour was the one man upon whom it was easy for everybody concerned to unite as the immediate successor of his eminent relative. happens, moreover, that Mr. Balfour and Mr. Chamberlain profess to be good friends, and it was made evident from the outset that Mr. Chamberlain was to be regarded as the foremost member of the Balfour administration. Mr. Balfour has very many qualifications for leadership, even if
he has also some shortcomings. His critics charge against him nothing worse than dilettanteism, lack of energy, and an occasional want of thorough knowledge of the matter in hand, due to indolence. On the other hand, he is a man of large views, of high character, of considerable and varied scholarship, of marvelous self-control and amiability, and of very effective qualities as a debater. Mr. A. Maurice Low characterizes him for our readers in an article in this number.
The present government was elected Mr. Chamber- in October, 1900, on the strength of Lord Roberts' march to Pretoria and the declaration that the war was virtually at an end. The Conservative party was retained in power by a large majority, the present party balance in the House of Commons being about 400 supporters of the ministry, and about 270 opposition members, of whom 80 belong to the Irish contingent. Although there is a great deal of prevalent criticism of the party in power, the Liberal party continues to be lacking in unity and in definiteness of programme. There is no prospect, therefore, of any very early occasion for a dissolution of Parliament and an appeal to the country. One of the first announcements after the incoming of Mr. Balfour as premier was the impending retirement of Sir Michael Hicks Beach as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Sir Michael and Mr. Chamberlain have differed
radically on many points. It was expected that a number of other changes would gradually take place in the ministry, although not in such a way as to result in its radical recasting. Mr. Cham. berlain had been injured on July 7 by a street accident while driving in a cab, and this had kept him from the House of Commons, from participation in the party conferences apropos of the change of prime minister, and especially from the long-expected meetings of colonial statesmen, over which, in his capacity as Colonial Secretary, he was to preside. His disablement, however, was only temporary, and it was easy enough to postpone the more important sessions of the colonial representatives until his recovery. Conflicting rumors were current as to the place Mr. Chamberlain was to hold in the Balfour ministry. The more general opinion was that he would prefer to remain at the Colonial Office, in order to superintend the reconstruction of South Africa, and to direct other matters of colonial policy. Other reports were to the effect that Mr. Chamberlain would prefer to become Chancellor of the Exchequer, in which office he would have opportunity to give shape to his well-known ideas in favor of certain preferential tariff arrangements as between the home country and the colonies.
Cape Parliament. It would have placed the entire governmental authority in the hands of Lord Milner, the British High Commissioner, who would have been accountable only to the Colonial Office at London. The premiers of other selfgoverning colonies,-among them Mr. Barton of Australia, Mr. Seddon of New Zealand, and Sir Wilfrid Laurier of Canada,-could hardly be expected to regard with favor such a novel precedent as would have been established by the suspension of self-government in Cape Colony.
These great colonies have naturally come to regard themselves as independent countries for all such purposes as the domestic ordering of their affairs. The circumstances under which England could deprive the Canadians, for instance, of the right to govern themselves would have to be very serious indeed. The object of Milner's plan seems to have been to deprive the Cape Colony Dutch of their large influence in South African affairs. But, although the situation is fraught with difficulties of detail, it is evident that the only principle upon which England can retain any secure hold in South Africa is that of giving the majority there a free rein,that, in short, of allowing the Dutch the liberty in Africa that the French enjoy in Canada..