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radically on many points. It was expected that a number of other changes would gradually take place in the ministry, although not in such a way as to result in its radical recasting. Mr. Chamberlain had been injured on July 7 by a street accident while driving in a cab, and this had kept him from the House of Commons, from participation in the party conferences apropos of the change of prime minister, and especially from the long-expected meetings of colonial statesmen, over which, in his capacity as Colonial Secretary, he was to preside. His disablement, however, was only temporary, and it was easy enough to postpone the more important sessions of the colonial representatives until his recovery. Conflicting rumors were current as to the place Mr. Chamberlain was to hold in the Balfour ministry. The more general opinion was that he would prefer to remain at the Colonial Office, in order to superintend the reconstruction of South Africa, and to direct other matters of colonial policy. Other reports were to the effect that Mr. Chamberlain would prefer to become Chancellor of the Exchequer, in which office he would have opportunity to give shape to his well-known ideas in favor of certain preferential tariff arrangements as between the home country and the colonies.
SIR JOHN GORDON SPRIGG.
Various aspects of the relationship of the self-governing colonies to the United Kingdom and the empire were naturally under discussion at London in view of the presence there of the foremost statesmen of Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and other parts of the empire. Such questions as those of colonial contribution to imperial defense, the construction of cables under imperial direction and control, the granting of subsidies to steamship lines, and the encouragement of reciprocal trade, brought out the expression of
Cape Parliament. It would have placed the entire governmental authority in the hands of Lord Milner, the British High Commissioner, who would have been accountable only to the Colonial Office at London. The premiers of other selfgoverning colonies,-among them Mr. Barton of Australia, Mr. Seddon of New Zealand, and Sir Wilfrid Laurier of Canada,-could hardly be expected to regard with favor such a novel precedent as would have been established by the suspension of self-government in Cape Colony.
THE CANADIAN ARCH.
These great colonies have naturally come to regard themselves as independent countries for all such purposes as the domestic order. ing of their affairs. The circumstances under which England could deprive the Canadians, for instance, of the right to govern themselves would have to be very serious indeed. The object of Milner's plan seems to have been to deprive the Cape Colony Dutch of their large influence in South African affairs. But, although the situation fraught with difficulties of detail, it is evident that the only principle upon which England can retain any secure hold in South Africa is that of giving the majority there a free rein,that, in short, of allowing the Dutch the liberty in Africa that the French enjoy in Canada..
(Lord Lister was one of the twelve upon whom this order was conferred. His portrait appears on an earlier page, in the
group of the King's physicians.)
which twelve men were designated. This list included three soldiers, Lords Wolseley, Roberts, and Kitchener; two admirals, Seymour and Keppel; four men of science, Lords Kelvin, Ray. leigh, Lister, and Sir William Huggins, the astronomer; one artist, Mr. George F. Watts; and two men of letters, Mr. W. H. Lecky and Mr. John Morley. Of Mr. Watts, we publish in this number an interesting sketch by Mr. Stead.
Governor Taft's proposals to the Vat. As to the Phil- ican at Rome,-which, as to their principal points, embodied the idea that the United States should at a fair price buy the lands of the Spanish friars in the Philippines, and that the Vatican should withdraw the friars from the islands, were, after several weeks of discussion, met by counter proposals on the part of the Vatican, delivered on July 9. These Vatican proposals were in twelve articles, most of which related to the land question, and provided specifically for the method of appraising the land and carrying the business to a conclusion. The withdrawal of the friars is not mentioned in the formal proposals, but in an accompanying note the Vatican declares that it is impossible to accede to the request of the United States on that score. It is intimated, however, that the Church authorities at Rome would see
that the friars caused no political friction in the Philippines, and it is implied that it would be the policy of the Vatican to replace gradually the Spanish friars with clerics of other nationalities, especially with Americans. The Vatican evidently expected that the United States would make further proposals, and that the period of negotiation at Rome would be prolonged. Judge Taft, after awaiting instructions from Secretary Root, informed the Vatican, on July 16, that he would leave Rome on the 24th, and that it would be in accordance with the wishes of the United States Government if further negotiations were carried on at Manila between Governor Taft and the civil authorities on the one hand, and an apostolic commissioner, representing the Church, on the other hand.
islands are Catholic parish priests and the whole Filipino body of lay members of the Church. This hostility is so great that the friars have not for several years been able to occupy their lands, or to officiate in any way in the parishes where they were once powerful through the support of the Spanish Government. It is not difficult to understand, on reflection, that the Vatican should dislike to be put in the position of making a direct agreement to withdraw the friars. In the first place, this might be offensive to important elements of Church support in Spain; in the second place, it might be regarded as humiliating to the great world-wide orders of which these particular friars are members. What the Vatican would prefer would be to have this whole subject left to the discretion of the Church authorities, to be worked out gradually, and without any show of compulsion or pressure. would probably be regarded as a violation of the treaty of peace with Spain if the United States should forcibly remove the friars from the Philippines. The great point, as it seems to us, is gained when the friars' titles to agricultural lands are extinguished by the payment of a fair compensation. The Vatican could have no mo. tive for wishing to have the proceeds of the sale of these lands used for the reëstablishment anywhere in the archipelago of wholly unwelcome
members of the religious orders. On one pretext or another, these friars will inevitably be withdrawn, and they will naturally go either to Spain or to the South American countries. Judge Taft's sojourn at Rome will have proved fairly successful in the end.
Peace and Civil Rule in
The Fourth of July becomes an important date in Philippine history through the amnesty proclamation of President Roosevelt issued at Manila on that day. It marked the end of military administration, declared peace to exist, and subordinated the army to the civil régime in accordance with the Philippine government act passed by Congress a few days before. The proclamation, of course, did not apply to the Moro tribes, or the regions inhabited by them, which will have to remain under a separate system. The President's full and free amnesty was granted to all persons in the Philippine archipelago who had in any way opposed the authority and sovereignty of the United States. This, of course, did not apply to persons convicted of ordinary crimes, and it further required the taking of an oath of allegiance. Separate proclamations of the same date. expressed appreciation of the work of the army, and relieved General Chaffee from further duties as military governor, that office being discon