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tiff to the altar, two swords were borne before him, emblems of the temporal and spiritual power wielded in his single hand, as sovereign over all earthly potentates.
That this might be no vain symbol, it was followed the next year by the famous bull Ausculta fili, addressed to the king of France; and again, the year following, by the more famous one, Unam Sanctam, in which he asserts: "There is one holy Church, catholic and apostolic, -one body, one head; in its power two swords, temporal and spiritual, one to be wielded by the Church, the other for the Church, by the hand of kings and soldiers, but at the beck and sufferance of the priest; and the temporal to be subject to the spiritual. As it is written, This day I have set thee over the nations and over the kingdoms, to root out and to pull down, and to destroy and to throw down, to build and to plant. Whoever resists this power resists the ordinance of God. Therefore, we proclaim, declare, assert, and announce to every human creature, that he be subject to the Roman Pontiff, as wholly necessary to his salvation."
These words were the legitimate and logical deduction from the theory of papal power, brought first into clear relief by Hildebrand, and shaping the policy of every bold and able successor of his throne. They were also a direct challenge to a power as proud and obstinate as that of Boniface himself. Philip the Fair, of France, who peeled nobility and clergy, crushed his people to misery, debased the coin, plundered the
* For which the authority was found in Luke xxii. 38: “And they said, Lord, behold, here are two swords. And he said unto them, It is enough."
† Condensed into the pithy epistle, whose genuineness Gieseler defends and Milman doubts: "Boniface the Pope to the King of France. Fear God, and keep his commandments. We would have thee know that in spirituals and temporals thou art subject to us. The conferring of benefices and prebends no way belongs to thee: if thou hast the keeping of any vacancies, save their fruits for the successors: if thou hast conferred any, we decree the bestowal void, and recall those that have gone into effect. Those who hold otherwise we reckon heretics." The king's answer, of undoubted genuineness, runs thus: "Philip, by the grace of God King of France, to Boniface who assumes to be Chief Pontiff, greeting little or none. Let your folly know that in temporals we are subordinate to none. The presenting to vacant benefices and prebends belongs to us by royal right; the fruits are ours. maintain all bestowals made and to be made by us, and their possessors. believe otherwise we reckon fools and madmen."
Jews, and carried through the hideous "Process of the Templars," to replenish his funds and secure his widening frontier, was not a man to refuse the quarrel. For years the war of words had been going on, and it must soon come to a trial of force. The king had the lawyers on his side, a new power, which he had almost called into existence, to confront his priestly adversary. The States General of France were summoned for the emergency; and the clergy themselves joined in protesting against the enormous assumption of the Pope. Boniface was unyielding. He passed the sentence of excommunication upon the king, and had already drawn up the edict which should declare him deposed from the royal power.
But it was one day too late. William of Nogaret was Philip's envoy, the chief of his three great legist-ministers, a man cold, stern, resolute, descended from the heretic race whose blood had stained the soil of France a hundred years before. That blood now cried from the ground in vengeance upon the tyranny of Rome. The scene of conflict was shifted from France to Italy. The personal enemies of Boniface, with Sciarra Colonna at their head, lent themselves as zealous allies to the force which Philip sent to drag him from the papal throne. His palace at Anagni was attacked, the church pillaged, his friends forced to surrender or driven off in flight. Forsaken and alone, "he determined to fall with dignity. He put on the stole of St. Peter, the imperial crown was on his head, the keys of St. Peter in one hand and the cross in the other; he took his seat on the papal throne, and, like the Roman senators of old, awaited the approach of the Gauls." Violent words passed between him and Nogaret, whom he did not spare to insult as "a Paterin and son of Paterins; and Colonna, it is said, struck him twice in the face with his mailed hand. For three days he was kept famishing in prison, in terror of his life; and when rescued at length, and followed by the compassionate benedictions of the people, the proud-hearted old man, now upwards of eighty years, was utterly broken down, and in a few months died insane, refusing with his last breath the holy offices of the Church. So, said his enemies, was fulfilled the prediction of Celestine, whom Boniface had supplanted: "Thou hast come
in like a fox; thou shalt reign like a lion; thou shalt go out like a dog."*
The Papacy never quite recovered from the blow struck upon the cheek of its proudest sovereign. King, nobles, and commons, the old imperial law of Rome and the new common law of the realm, nay, the national pride and loyalty of a large part of the clergy, were leagued to brave its power, and had conquered. The arm of the law was stronger than the word of the priest. The Church must be henceforth subordinate to the State. The year after Boniface's death, 1305, the new Pope removed to Avignon on the Rhone. There, in a "Captivity" of seventy years, likened to the exile of the Jews in Babylon, he and his successors were vassals of the king of France; and here that vast and sombre palace, which seems rather a prison or castle than a palace, still remains the witness of the insolent pomp and corruption of that degenerate age of Popedom. Ubi papa ibi Roma, came to be an accepted maxim of the spiritual power, which thus, with obstinate vitality, survived its separation from the seat on which all its pretentions were built.
Restored to the Vatican, it encountered a new peril, even more threatening, the schism of fifty years, when two rival Popes Italy, Germany, and England supporting one against Scotland, France, and Spain-divided the Catholic empire, and degraded the dignity they fought for, by denouncing and excommunicating one another. Law must decide what authority could not. The Universities first were called in as arbiters in the strife; then gradually won authority above either party. Among other expedients, it was once proposed that there should be a different Pope for every country. Councils tried their ineffectual hand to fill the breach; and bridged it over, at length, by cutting off both lines of succession, and inaugurating a third. So, dependent on a new order of choice, the despotic hierarchy became more and more
* "Vulpes intravit, tanquam leo pontificavit,
Philip afterwards offered to prove forty-three distinct heresies against the memory of Boniface; and the papal court was forced to listen to charges of the vilest immorality and the most wanton blasphemy, got up by his unforgiving persecutors.
a limited monarchy. By the larger part of Christendom the Council was held to be a power in the Church superior to the Pope himself. We have a century of Councils,— at Pisa, Constance, Basle, Ferrara, Florence, and for their result, a brief period which the historian points out as "the culmination of Latin Christianity," when the Catholic world was once more at peace, and Nicolas V., in his wise, firm, and enlightened rule, inaugurated the grand modern era of Roman Art. The Lollard persecution and the Hussite war had conquered to the Church one more century of security and quiet. But revolutionary forces were gathering, which the spiritual arm was impotent to control. Elements of weakness and decay were brooding, which ecclesiastical discipline was faithless to suppress. Nicolas V. himself died in grief and dread at the fall of Constantinople and the threatening advance of the Ottoman power. One more attempt to rouse the lax faith of Christendom to a new Crusade, one more effort of the Mystics to revive the antique piety, of reforming Councils to suppress immorality within, of persecutors to restrain infidelity without, and the austere, magnificent, invincible dominion of Hildebrand or Innocent speedily declines to the unspeakable moral corruption of Alexander Borgia, the secular pride and military ambition of Julius II., the worldly infidelity of Leo X., the spiritual impotence and contempt which led to the Reformation under Luther.
As we approach the boundary between mediaval and modern history, we need not say that the interest of our subject no way lessens; while we are, if possible, even more struck with the ability, the fulness, and the diligence with which it has been treated in the work under review. Such titles as the Process of the Templars, Rienzi, Wycliffe, John Huss, and the Religious War in Bohemia, indicate in part the breadth and richness of the field here traversed. And we would not pass without notice the thorough and admirable "Survey" of the whole medieval period, with which the work concludes, discussing, in ten elaborate essays, the religious belief, the literature, philosophy, and art, that have grown up along with, or out of, "Latin Christianity." But all these, in our present view, are of less interest than that vast overshadowing do
minion, from which it required the most terrible and obstinate struggle of all history to emancipate the nations; and which, though with shadowy sceptre and faltering hand, still at each crisis of European events affects to wield the ancient thunders of the Vatican.
ART. VL-PASSAGES FROM THE LIFE OF SCHLEIERMACHER.
Aus Schleiermacher's Leben. In Briefen. Berlin. 1858.
THIS pleasingly German title introduces a pleasingly German book in two volumes. It presents passages "from Schleiermacher's life." It does not profess to be a biography, or to give a detailed account of all that Schleiermacher wrote and all that he accomplished. It gives some glimpses of how he lived. These glimpses are furnished by no outside descriptions, but by his own letters, letters which deal very little in narration, and are nowhere a mere journal of events. It is therefore a picture of the interior life of Schleiermacher, drawn unconsciously to himself.
These letters are connected by a slender thread in the shape of a Preface to each division of the book, which explains sufficiently the circumstances under which they were written, introducing some of the characters to whom Schleiermacher alludes in his letters, and to whom he writes. This is the most attractive form in which a biography can appear. It has the interest of a portrait which has created itself. It does not appear in the forced position of a daguerrotype, taken consciously under the glare of an inquisitive sun, in a close, stupefying atmosphere. It expresses itself.
Some remarks in the Preface to the whole book show how it was a necessity of Schleiermacher's character to carry into all the relations of life his own deepest convictions, never suffering anything that was purely conventional in his intercourse with other men. This gives an especial charm to his letters to his friends, in which he is not satisfied with a mere show of words, but insists upon filling with them VOL. LXXII.-5TH S. VOL. X. NO. I. 10