fixed and permanent are marked with more force than those that are uncertain and tranfient. The latter are expreffed alone by the air and attitude; in the reprefentation of the former, one may add to these characteristics, the features, figure, and drefs. Thẹ fymbols of Virtue or Chastity may be far more diftinctly characterized than those of Hope or Fear. The other abftractions which have been repre fented by human figures, Victory, Eternity, Abundance, &c. are recognifed only by fome of their perceptible effects, or by fome real object whofe idea is affociated with their own. We fhould have much difficulty in inventing them, when wanted, if history and fable did not supply a number of arbi-, trary figns, which receive their meaning merely from convention. In the fymbolic representation, the woman is merely an acceffory. Eternity is very well reprefented by a globe and a phoenix: in the thirteenth medal of the first feries, a woman fitting holds them in her hand. In the fifteenth medal there is no woman, though the idea is ftill the fame; and if we examine all the other medals, we shall find that women are there merely to make a figure, but never answer the purpofe of fymbols. The provinces are of a middle kind; they are never fymbols of countries, but are often fo of the genius and manners of their inhabitants. 3. Mr. Addifon propofes an explanation of the thirty-fifth ode of the first book of Horace, in speaking of a medal which reprefents Security refting on a pillar ". 39 Regumque Regumque matres barbarorum, Injuriofo ne pede proruás Stantem columnam, فول They feared left Fortune might overturn the pillar of their fecurity. But fear and fecurity are inconfiftent. Befides, Horace would not probably have made use of fo fubtile and far fetched an allufion without giving warning of it, at least, by fome epithet. Why may not these words be applied literally to those statues and pillars which flattery erects to tyrants, and which are commonly the first victims of popular fury at the time of a revolution? I conjecture that the poet might allude to the king of the Parthians, the most powerful monarch of the Eaft. Fortune might juftly be dreaded by the murderer of his father, and of his whole family. The Romans had seen proofs of his anxiety. He had given to Auguftus feveral of his nearest relations as hoftages, whom that emperor caufed to be educatedat Rome. The haughty Phrahates intended lefs to flatter the Romans by this humiliating measure, than to deprive his difcontented fubjects of men fit to head their revolt *°. I N° VI. FLORENCE, 5th Auguft 1764. HAVE been reading a little work, entitled, A Critical Letter of the Chevalier Lorenzo Guazzefi Aretino, to Doctor Anthony Cocchi, Phyfician and Antiquary of VOL. VII. D his Catholic Majefty; refpecting fome Tranfactions in the Cifalpine Gallic War, in the Year of Rome 529: Arezzo, 1752; in 12mo. pp. 103. I find in this little work, erudition, good fenfe, found criticism, with much local knowledge. Its chief fault is that of the Chevalier's country, an Afiatic style, prejudicial to ftrength, precifion, and brevity. I fhall unite, under one point of view, what I have learned from him on the fubject, and the additions which my own reflections have made to it. This sketch would be lefs imperfect, had I a Polybius at hand. 1. I cannot imagine any event that would have more endangered the greatnefs of Rome than the union of the Gauls and Carthaginians in the first Punic war. Both these nations were formidable to that ambitious republic; and in both the projects of vengeance would have been directed by the wisest policy. Each would have brought with it the advantages in which its ally was deficient. Carthage was powerful in wealth, fhipping, and military difcipline. The populoufnefs, valor, and advantageous fituation of the Gauls made the Romans always confider a Gallic war as an event big with alarm and danger. Had the allies fucceeded, the difference of their views and character would have facilitated the friendly divifion of their conquests, and cemented their union. But the cautious and narrow policy of the Carthaginians, and the lazy infenfibility natural to improvident Barbarians, delivered the Romans from the danger of this alliance. The republic, I imagine, who knew how to dif femble her hatred as well as her ambition, was careful to keep on good terms with the Gauls; and, before provoking their refentment, patiently waited until they should have no other refource than in themselves. In the year of Rome 470, the Galli Senones were almoft extirpated. The colonies of Caftrum and Sena were fent into the country extending from the Æfis to the Ufens; and the whole of their territory, the Ager Gallicus, was added to the dominions of the ftate. Fifty-eight years afterwards, a tribune, ambitious of popularity, obtained a law for dividing this public property among the citizens. It is difficult to perceive why this diftribution of lands, which had ceafed to belong to the Gauls, fhould at once provoke a war as fierce as it was general: all that I understand is, that the neighbouring Boii enjoyed the right of public pafturage, on paying a small quitrent called Scriptura; and that the lands were perhaps fubfarmed by individuals. The avarice of the new proprietors may be supposed to have expelled the feeble remnant of the Senones, which the wife mo. deration of government had left unmolefted. The neighbourhood of the Romans would grow, more formidable to the Gauls, in proportion as that frontier was fortified and peopled by a rival and warlike colony. Whatever were the reafons, it is certain that this law fpread difmay and fury through the whole of Cifalpine Gaul. These nations flew to arms, and invited into Italy numerous mercenaries from beyond the Alps. The Romans prepared for refifting the storm. By an enumeration of their forces in Italy, they found they could fend into the field 700,000 foot and 70,000 horfe. The conful Æmilius, at the head of a numerous army, took poft at Ariminum, to defend the Ager Gallicus, the object of the war; and one of the prætors was intrufted with the defence of Tufcany. Atilius, the other conful, had failed to Sardinia, with a view of conquering the barbarians of that island. 2. It is not material to determine by what route the barbarians penetrated into Etruria, which they thought fit to render the first theatre of the war. The prætor had naturally posted himself near to Arezzo, the principal fortrefs of the Romans in Tuscany. If they marched by the fea-fide, the Gauls might have deceived his vigilance; if they pursued the road of Bologna and Valdimugello ", the general must have been too weak to resist them, and there fore felt the neceffity of allowing them to ravage with impunity the rich Tufcan paftures". They got poffeffion of an immenfe booty in cattle and flaves. Proud of following the footsteps of their ancestors, they advanced to Clufium, on the straight road to the capital. There they heard that the prætor, who had perhaps received a reinforcement, pursued them by forced marches. They changed their direction, in order to meet him; and on the evening of the first day's march, the two armies were in fight of each other. Both fides fortified their camp. If we examine the road by Clufium to Arezzo in the Valdichiana, we shall find the villages of Lucignana and Sinalunga fituated at a convenient distance". The Romans had occupied an excellent camp; and the barbarians, notwithstanding their impetuofity, thought it wiser to withdraw them from it by ftrata |