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42 Davis, p. 44, 45.

43 Gibbon, vol. xiii. 116. n. 75.

**Davis, p. 61, 62, 63. This ridiculous charge is repeated by another fycophant, (in the Greek fenfe of the word,) and forms one of the valuable communications, which the learning of a Randolph suggested to the candor of a Chelfum. See Remarks, p. 209.

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7. Davis, p. 132.

1 Gibbon, vol. xiii. p. 105. n. 156.

72 Davis, p. 136, 137.

73 Dr. Randolph, in Chelfum's Remarks, p, 159, 160.

74 Gibbon, vol. xiii. p. 106. n. 157.

75 Davis, p. 140.

76 Id. p. 168-274.

77 Gibbon, vol. xiii. p. 105. n. 156. p. 106. n. 161. p. 125. n. 164. 126. n. 178.

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85 Gibbon, vol. ii p. 275. Randolph in Chelfum, p. 122.
85 Gibbon, vol. xiii. p. 95. n. 33. Chelfum, p. 39.
87 Gibbon, vol. xiii. p. p. 99. n. 70. Chelfum, p- 66.
38 Chelfum's Remarks, p. 13—19. 67—91. 180—185.
39 Chelfum, p. 15.

9. Id. p. 73.

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91 Gibbon, vol. ii. p. 269.

92 Id. p. 379.

93 Chelfum, p. 118, 119.

94 Id. p. 188.

95 Gibbon, vol. ii. p. 341.

9 Chelfum, p. 118.

97 Id. p. 114-117.

98 Id. p. 113.

99 Gibbon, vol. xiii. p. 116. n. 74.

100 Remarks, p. 65, 66, 67,

101 P. ii. iii.

102 Chelfum and Randolph, p. 220- -238.

103 Gibbon, p. 653. Chelfum, p. 204-207.

104 Gibbon, vol. ii. p. 350.

105 Chelfum, p. 232.

106 Id. p. 228. 231.

107 Id. p. 229, 230, 231.

108 Gibbon, vol. ii. p. 401,

109 Chelfum, p. 234.

110 Id. p. 226, 227.

111 Gibbon, vol. xiii. p. 126. n. 178.

112 Chelfum and Randolph, p. 236, 237, 238. 113 Remarks, p. 100.

114 Id. p. 15.

115 Id. p. III.

116 Id. p. 72-88.

117 Id. p. 90, 91.

118 Gibbon, vol. xiii. p. 118. n. 91.

Note to the Addrefs.

*I allude to a paffage in Cicero (de Naturâ Deorum, L. ii. C. 34.5) Quod fi in Britanniam, sphæram aliquis tulerit hanc, quam nuper familiaris. nofter effecit Pofidonius, cujus fingulæ converfiones idem efficiunt in fole et in luna, et in quinque ftellis errantibus, quod efficitur in cœlo fingulis diebus et noctibus: quis in illa barbarie dubitet, quin ea fphæra fit perfecta ratione?

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To page 132. Note1 WERE we curious to afcertain exactly the date

of this epigram, a paff ge of Cicero would lead us to fix it at the year 708. For, notwithstanding Bayle's reasonings, we cannot regard it in any other light than that of a fatire written against Mamurra; an opinion embraced by the learned Dr. Middleton. There is no weight in the obfer. vation, that Catullus would not have ventured to write this epigram against Cæfar in the plenitude of his power. Cæfar's clemency towards his enemies is well known; and the terms in which hiftorians speak of his lenity shown to this fatirift implies that he was then poffeffed of power to punish him; otherwife his moderation would have been of little value. Tacitus fpeaks of this affair as a parallel to that of Bibalculus, who fatirifed Auguftus when the latter was certainly invefted with fovereign dominion.

To page 183. Note 33. This explanation is the more probable, because Virgil appear in his works to value himself rather on reviving old words, than on borrowing new ones from the Greek. I doubt whether a single paffage can be pointed out, in which he followed Horace's advice.

To page 185. Note. I meditate a history of the expedition of Charles VIII. into Italy; an event which changed the face of Europe. Should I ever undertake fuch a work, thefe refearches will find their place in it, but written with more care and precision. At prefent, both leisure and books are wanting; for which reafon, being unable to cite the original historians, I think it better to trust to the notoriety of the transactions, than to refer the reader to compilations.

Ibid Note. The following is an example where the fame reasoning occurred. Sir Walter Raleigh was condemned to death for treafon. After a confinement of many years in prifon, he, received from James I. the command of a fleet to be employed in difcovering a gold mine in SouthAmerica. The enterprife failed; and, at Sir Walter's return home, James ordered his head to be cut off, according to the fentence formerly paffed against him. The nation murmured loudly, afferting that the commiffion of admiral was equivalent to a formal pardon, fince it was impoffible to bestow that authority and confidence on a traitor condemned to death.

Ibid. Note. This question depends on the fame principles with that of adoption, which I shall shortly examine!

Ibid. Note. This queftion was much agitated half a century ago, in the business of the Spanish fucceffion, which Lewis XIV. renounced by the treaty of the Pyrenees, but which his family afterwards claimed and vindicated.

To page 185. Note 7. We fometimes read in old charters Ego-bastardur. The appellative became a furname. In the time of Philip Comines, there was little diftinction made in Italy between natural and legitimate children.

Ibid. Note. In the XIth century, William the Conqueror; and in the XIVth, Henry of Traftamare, and John Grand Master of the Order of Avis, were all baftards.

Ibid. Note. Obferve the equivocal conduct of Lewis IX. He blamed the pope's feverity; he endeavoured to make peace; but the council of Lyons he always confidered as a tribunal from which Frederick was not entitled to appeal.

Ibid. Note 1. In my compilation the confent of the ftates to this adoption is not mentioned. This, however, was a very effential circumftance. But I have fince found, that the accurate Giannone is also filent refpecting it. To page 187. Note 2 The translation appears to be fuperior to the original.

lbid. Note 5 I mean thofe of his own times.

Ibid. Note 1. We must remember that the slaves were numerous in great families.

Ibid Note''. See concerning the whole queftion, Lipf. ad Tacit. Annal. xv. Nardini Roma vetus, L. iii, C. iv. p. 985, 986; 987: et Græv in Præfat. ad tom. iv. Thefaur. Antiq. Roman. I have availed myself of all their ' quotations.

Ibid. Note 3, Poft Capitolinam, according to the edition of Delcampius. I should like to confult that of Hardouin. Nardini erroneously reads poft capitolium. Plin. Hift. Natur, 1. xxxiii. I.

Ibid. Note 15. He refers to it himself, V. L. v. C. x. p. 1028.

Ibid. Note 2. As to the breadth of the circus, Pliny himself expressly confirms this explanation.

Ibid Note 21. The Roman, English, and Paris foot, are in the pro portion of 1306, 135 1 1⁄2, and 1440. The first contains nearly 11 3/5 inches of English, and 10 7/8 of French meafure. Traité des Mefures, &c. p. 164. After attentively reflecting on the fubject, I prefer allowing to each perfon 21f feet. This will give 120,000 perfons who were feated, and 30,000 who stood in the porticos. There is ftill fomething to be faid con. cerning Mr D'Anville's measurement of the circus; but this will be better deferred, until I have vifited Rome.

Florence, Ith July, 1764.

To page 188. Note 22. The most judicious edition of the modern Victor is that published by Panvinius. The numerous additions are justly despised as the work of an impoftor. Nardini Roma Vetus, L. ii. C. v. p. 956.

Ibid Note 3°. The navigation was only fixteen Roman miles. Ibid. Note 31, Voffius, p. 1514- -1515. His calculations are, as ufual, fomewhat confufed; but I give the refult as ftated by himself.

Ibid. Note. He decides not the famous question concerning the origin of the Goths.

Ibid. Note 45. See the origin of the Nations of Italy, in the eighteenth volume of the Hiftory of the Academy of Relies Lettres.

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To page 189. Note . The paffage by the Pennine Alps was, however, the shorteft; here the mountains are much narrowed.

Ibid. Note 8 I have copied nothing from Cluverius, except his general conclusion, very differently modified. I have cited but few authorities. The only important citations, which fuperfede all others, are the twenty. first book of Livy, the third book of Polybius, and the thirty-third chapter of the first book of Cluverius.

Ibid Note 2. I have fince difcovered that the etymology of Pompeii is uncertain, and that I was right in my conjecture of its having been befieged. V. Vell. Patercul. L. ii. C. 16.

Ibid. Note 7. Vell. Paterculus, L. ii. C. 16. The Minatius Magius there fpoken of, belonged to the very city which began the war, by the murder of a pretor and a legate.

Ibid. Note 77. See Reflection on Ancient Nations, by Mr. Freret, in the eighteenth volume of the Memoirs of the Academy of Belles Letters.

Ibid. Note 7. T. Livius, L. xxii. C. 36. It appears from feveral paffages of this author, that this was the ordinary proportion. Velleius Paterculus exaggerates a little, when he speaks of double the number of troops. L. ii. C. 15.

Ibid. Note 5. I except his invective against Stilico, L. ii. v. 41.

To page 190. Note 22. The whole journey is described in the fifth Satire of the firft back of Horace.

To page 190. Note 28. For the detail of this voyage it is proper to peruse the epiftles to Atticus, L. v. I, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10. The Hiftory of Cicero, by Fabricius, and by Middleton, the year of Rome 702.

hid. Note 29. All the distances not noticed in the Itineraries, I have measured on the chart of M Delisle.

Ibid. Note 35. Itineraria Anton. p. 312, 313, 314, 315. I have measured on the chart of Delisle the distance from Canufium to Larinum.

Ibid. Note 4 Onuphr. Panvin, on Triumphs. The number is taken from Orofius.

Ibid. Note 53. I can only cite the authority of Livy and the Fafti of the fixth and feventh centuries of Rome.

Ibid. Note 7. I measured the distance on Nolli's great map of Rome. To page 192. Notes. This age was that of those philofophical fects, who battled for the systems of their respective masters, with all the obftinacy of polemical divines.

A fondness for systems neceffarily produces an attachment to general principles, and this of courfe brings on a contempt for an attention to particulars.

"The fondness for fyftem (fays Mr. Freret) which poffeffed the fuccef "fors of Ariftotle, made the Greeks abandon the ftudy of nature, and "ftopped the progrefs of their philofophical discoveries. Subtlety of argumeat took place of experiment; the accurate fciences, Geometry,

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