secretly, and sometimes openly, treat them. That is to say, the man who has a ballot in his hands and is not intelligent enough to use it for his own protection, does not deserve any political consideration and will certainly receive none. Until the American working-man learns from the example of his brothers abroad that he has been quite in the wrong in this matter, that he will never get anything of value for himself until he goes into politics and uses his ballot to advance his interests, and not to advance the interests of capitalists, he will make little or no progress. The American working-man enjoys one enormous advantage over his brother in Europe: political democracy has been achieved here; he may cast his ballot freely, and it will usually be honestly counted. He has only to decide what he wishes and it is his; he has it in his power at any time to overturn completely existing laws and constitutions, or to modify them according to his will. His social grievances will exist only so long as he himself does not know what he wants. But in every European country even France, nominally democratic, is hardly an exception - the attainment of political democracy is yet far off, and the working-man is compelled to struggle first of all for that which the American already possesses, the power to change the laws. And yet, in spite of that, it seems not impossible that the social grievances of the foreign working-men will be redressed first; for they are alive to their situation, and are intelligently taking the right course to secure redress of grievances, while the American worker remains blind and inactive. Sources: BIBLIOGRAPHY MARX AND ENGELS, The Communist Manifesto. Chicago, 1909. MARX, Capital, 3 vols. Chicago, 1909. A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy. Chicago, 1911. ENGELS, Socialism, Utopian and Scientific. Chicago, 1900. Socialistic expositions: SPARGO, Karl Marx and his Life and Work. New York, 1910. KAUTSKY, The Social Revolution. Chicago, 1902. LORIA, The Economic Foundations of Society. Chicago, 1899. Critical, but judicial: BERNSTEIN, Evolutionary Socialism: a Criticism and an Affirmation, "Socialist Library." New York, 1909. MENGER, The Right to the Whole Produce of Labor. New York, 1899. SOMBART, Socialism and the Social Movement in the Nineteenth Century. New York, 1898. SCHAEFFLE, The Impossibility of Social Democracy, "Social Science Series," 1892. SHAW, Municipal Government in Continental Europe. New York, 1895. (An impartial scientific study of a related subject.) IV KARL MARX AND MODERN I 'SCIENTIFIC" SOCIALISM KARL MARX, who is commonly regarded as the founder of modern "scientific" Socialism, is at any rate its chief prophet and spokesman. Few men of the nineteenth century had so wide an influence, for good or evil; few have been so often quoted and so loyally followed by multitudes of disciples, all admiring, if not always comprehending. And in his case there were no adventitious aids to influence. His hold on his followers was not gained by gifts of eloquence, such as made leaders of Kossuth and O'Connell; nor by skill in the leadership of men, such as made Parnell at one time the uncrowned king of Ireland. In Marx's case we behold the triumph of sheer intellect, inspired by genuine greatness of soul. Whatever his economic errors, he sincerely believed that his teachings were the truth; and to the working out of his ideas and the inculcation of them among the laboring classes, he freely gave his life. In what was to him a sacred cause, he endured much poverty and suffering, thereby again justifying the daring words of Heine: "Wherever a great soul gives utterance to its thoughts, there also is Golgotha." Marx was born in Trèves, in 1818. His family held a good social position. His father, born a Jew, was an |