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Seeing I had lost all power over them, we made our way towards Myha, where I had a company (the 3rd). Seeing a number of the men following us, I pulled up, and was joined by some one hundred and forty, including Native officer, Havildar, Naick, and Sepoys. With these men I kept; others that had rather a dread of them went clear off to Myha, distant thirty-two miles; Mrs Bolton and her son, McMullin, and young Golding remained with me. After having gone twenty-four miles, we halted during the heat of the day at a large village, got a few chupattees and plenty of milk, started again at 3 P.M., and when within a mile or two of Myha, was met by the Adjutant, who had gone on with the men. He told me that matters were worse there than at Nagode-the company being in an open state of mutiny, and declared they would loot the city and kill all the officers. The other officers soon followed the Adjutant, and wanted to cut off to Rewah; this I could not consent to, so sent my old Soubahdar Rumdeen Sing, Geomanis Toolacdar, the Pay Havildar, and one or two others on ahead to say I was coming, and would listen to anything they had to say. This put all right. The next morning I found out that the cause offered for the disorderly conduct was that the Regiment was supposed to have received pay for August, and that they had not. I removed that cause of complaint by taking a loan from the assistant to the Superintendent of Nagode (who was on duty there) of 1800 rupees, issued pay, set my good man to work, put all right, and marched that evening at three o'clock for Ummerputtena, taking the company with me; fifteen of the fellows, however, deserted. If I could have put entire confidence in the men of the 3rd Company I would have tried a stand. The mutineers from Banda were so enraged at my having destroyed ammunition and muskets and spiked the guns, they declared their determination of following us up. This I would not have cared for much, as I had my rear open and a clear run into the Rewah territory; but I found to my disgust that the Raja of Myha was in communication with the mutineers, and had the fellow turned on us we had no chance of escape. The Raja is now

in open rebellion against us.

Again, I knew well that the moment the 52nd heard that the 50th was gone they would follow suit sharp; and they did so. The Saugor Road completely shut against us by the rebel Bondeelahs, my only course therefore was to make for Mirzapore through Rewah; so off I started, but had not gone many miles when I received an official from Lieutenant Osborne, the Rewah Political Agent, telling me that I was on no consideration to bring a single man of the 50th into the Rewah territory. This was a nice mess. To quit my men I was resolved not to do, so moved on to Ummerputtena and wrote to tell Osborne of my arrival with some two hundred and sixty men-that I was willing to change my route by any pass that he could point out, either towards Mirzapore, the Soan, or Allahabad; but I claimed a passage through the Rewah territory, received a letter the next day saying I might come on-which

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I did—and reached Rewali the next morning after a most horrid march 'midst rain and everything disagreeable. At Rewah I found my absence would be preferred to my company, so marched again next morning through heavy rain to the dak-bungalow, twenty-four miles; on the 24th marched on that night to Hunesenna, a large road-bungalow, twenty miles-received a letter there express from Mr Tucker the magistrate, who did not know the strength of my party, informing me that the mutineers (5th Irregular Cavalry), who had thrashed Rattray's Sikhs, were to be at Loll-gunge on the 26th.

This said Loll-gunge was my road to Mirzapore, and twenty-seven miles from Harminna, and recommended my pausing for a few days to admit of the Irregulars passing on to Banda. Well, on the receipt of this letter, I assembled the Native officers in camp and pointed out to the men if they were really loyal, and wished to prove it, now was their chance, giving them the substance of the letter. One and all expressed the greatest desire to be led against the Irregulars. I ordered the cartridges to be drawn and their muskets cleaned, which was immediately done; and I marched that night at 8 P.M. (the 25th September), and arrived at Loll-gunge, after a most fatiguing march of twenty-seven miles, at 9 A.M., and found to our disgust that it was a false alarm-the Cavalry had not even been heard of. I would have given the only pair of shoes I had in the world-and those were on my feet to have had a brush between my men and the Irregulars, and feel convinced we should have given the rascals a regular pounding; it was not to be so enough. I marched the next morning nine miles, and wrote into Mirzapore for permission to enter the Station, and, to my horror, was told that I was to be disarmed on arrival; to save which I marched the next morning and crossed the river at Narghat, where I sent my whole party away on general leave for three months, sent my arms, ammunition, &c. into the Arsenal, and reported the same to His Excellency.

Nearly all of the men have rejoined, and are anxious to behave like true men-perform any duty they may be called on to do. Curious to say, I have had a guard at Mirzapore—1st and 12th-the men behaving like trumps, and doing good service on three or four occasions with the Civilians and another guard-1st and 8th-at Allahabad, all of whom have done their duty well. I have written twice to the Fort Adjutant requesting a statement of the duty performed by these men, but can get no reply, which is most annoying, as I am only waiting for it to send in rolls to the Adjutant-General of all my men, and also of some of them that I can strongly recommend out of this general leave batch. I had put down three attempts to kick up a row, and feel convinced, even against that traitor Lewloll, I could have preserved the old corps had L. Sing and the mutineers from Dinapore not come down on me. Against their numbers and the disaffected rascals in my own ranks, I had no chance; I did my best, and could do no more.

To add to my difficulties, F

refused to do Adjutant's duty as he

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heard that all Staff allowances ceased on the mutiny of a regiment; this he learnt, I believe, from some of the 40th-a very improper feeling and no mistake, and one that he never ought to have shown considering the kindness with which he had ever been treated by me. He is under arrest, and I will not say more.

I have had three letters from B. All jolly, and delighted with his trip to England. Plowden called on me on his way to join Jung Bahadoor's force; looking, I think, far from well.

You say nothing about the Nicolls and their small children; I hope they are all well. Every officer, even the griffin not out of his drill, is away on temporary Staff employ. McMullin at Allahabad; glad to hear Munro has entirely recovered. Poor Barlow died at Lucknowhis poor baby lost an eye; Mrs Barlow arrived in Calcutta quite well.

What an eventful year we have had! I believe I stand about sixth from the top of the Majors. What in the world is to become of us? A Native army of some sort there must be to take Station duties, and also out duties. Not a word about going home; this dreadful affair has regularly put me up a tree. I am entitled to the Colonel's pension on the 3rd of September at latest, but think I shall have completed thirty. three years' actual service in June, as I did not take my full furlough in England, and got time of service during the voyage, coming out with recruits. My brother is trying hard to induce me to give up work; but I think I must hold on for the Major-General-in case I might meet Lewis at home!

I really must say good-night; the clock has just struck 11 P.M., time for all sober men to hug the pillow. God bless you, old fellow; and may you be preserved through all the dangers your gallant Chief is sure to push you into. You must be closer on your promotion, I think, than some three or four under me; and there are two or three Generals' steps to fill up.

The 70th clear off to China under that lucky fellow, Kennedy. I should greatly like to go to China; it is nearly the only curious part of the world that I have not visited.

Please give my kindest regards to Mrs Keith Young when you write, and ask her to tell my dear little friend, Doddy (Keith), that I often think of him, and that he is not to forget Joe Hampton !

I wrote in June, and twice since, but I dare say my letters have never reached you. Poor old Ripley and Colonel Chester both gone. If Colonel Becher is with you, remember me kindly to him.

I hope you will be able to read this scrawl. I have the paying up and discharging the general leave men of Regiments that have mutinied, and often have to work from 8 A.M. to 6 P.M. to get the fellows off, which will account for this being written at night.-Believe me, my dear Keith Young, ever yours most sincerely, J. HAMPTON.

Note.-The 50th Native Infantry mutinied on the 16th of September 1857.

APPENDIX E.

APPENDIX E (See page 5.)

333

THE ORIGIN OF THE SEPOYS BEING CALLED PANDIES.*

It is generally supposed that Mangul Pandy, the Sepoy of the 34th Regiment, being the first man in the first regiment to mutiny, therefore gave his name to all the Sepoys who afterwards mutinied. However, in Colonel Keith Young's Diary of January 1830, an interesting account is given of a mutiny that occurred in a regiment to which he was for a short time attached. This mutiny was soon suppressed, the ringleader being sentenced to twelve months' imprisonment. His name was Rada Pandy. The name of the Jemadar of the 34th Native Infantry who forbade his men to aid their officers when Mangul Pandy mutinied was also Pandy-Isurree Pandy. Was Pandy, therefore, a common surname among the Native soldiers, and for this reason chosen as a name by which to distinguish all Sepoys?

APPENDIX F. (See page 263.)

LORD LAKE AND DELHI.

In 1803, after taking the strong fort of Allyghur, Lord Lake advanced on Delhi. He encountered the enemy-the French, and Native troops under Sindhia-about six miles from the city, and after a prolonged and stubborn fight, was victorious with a loss of about four hundred killed and wounded. The enemy is estimated to have lost three thousand. Lord Lake then entered Delhi, where he was greeted as a deliverer by the inhabitants, and took undisputed possession of the city. The Mogul Emperor, Shah Alum, was treated with every respect. It was his son, Bahadoor Shah, who was destined to be the last to sit upon the throne.-Abridged from Beveridge's History of India.

APPENDIX G. (See page 308.)

THE KING AND PRINCES OF DELHI.

Bahadoor Shah, King of Delhi, last of the great Moguls, had, some thirty years before the Mutiny, lost all power as a territorial sovereign, and become a pensioner of the Company. Only in his Palace at Delhi, his authority was still absolute over a few thousand followers and dependents.

On the outbreak of the Mutiny, he allowed himself openly to be * See 'Pandy' in Glossary (page 340), compiled after the above was in print.

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proclaimed an independent monarch, and the city became the rallyingplace of the disaffected Sepoys. He inaugurated his reign by the brutal massacre of all the Europeans, men, women, and children, who had taken refuge in the Palace.

When our troops entered Delhi, the King, with others of the royal family, fled to the tomb of Hamayoon, one of his ancestors, about five miles distant. Thence, with the promise of his own life and of that of his favourite wife, Zeenut Mahal, and their son Jamma Bukht, they were conducted by Major Hodson back to the Palace at Delhi. The next day, the 22nd September, two sons and a grandson of the King, who had also taken refuge in the tomb of Hamayoon, were being conducted to Delhi for trial, when the mob became so threatening that Major Hodson decided he had no alternative but to shoot them. This he did with his own hand, and so struck terror into the surrounding crowds and prevented a possible rescue. In the Dewan-i-Khas, the Hall of Audience in the Delhi Palace, the King's trial commenced on the 27th of January 1858, conducted by a commission of field-officers headed by Colonel Dawes of the Bengal Artillery. Major Harriott, Deputy JudgeAdvocate, was the official Prosecutor. The King was found guilty of rebellion, treason, and murder, and deported a state prisoner to Rangoon, where two wives and his son Jamma Bukht were allowed to share his captivity. He died there on the 7th November 1862, aged eighty-nine.

APPENDIX H. (See page 9.)

THE MUTINY PREDICTED BY SIR CHARLES NAPIER.

In 1849 Sir Charles Napier wrote that it was apparent to him and to all the officers on the spot, who were conversant with Native and Sepoy habits and feelings, that a widely spread and formidable scheme of mutiny was in progress, and great danger impending; for though the Sepoys at Wazeerabad, awed by the presence of a large European force, remained passive, they were heard to say that they only waited the arrival of the relieving regiments, and would then act together.

Again he writes, from Meerut, in the same year: "There is a report that twenty-four regiments are in league with the 41st. India is in danger of a military dictation! This is a very awkward matter.' And in a letter to Lord Dalhousie he says: 'If nothing happens, all is right; but if it turns out a preconcerted mutiny, force must be met by force. The least concession would lose us India, and justice has placed us on high ground, thank God! Neither your Lordship nor myself would shed a drop of blood, if it could be avoided, but a thousand lives must be taken rather than let four hundred thousand men dictate to their government unjustly-or justly either for that matter. But woe to the government that places itself in so dreadful a position!'

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