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The staff of the Kolchak Commander in chief reports that the "Reds" have taken the city of Minusinsk. (From Nashe Dleyo, Irkutsk, Sept. 23.) Minusinsk is an important city in the province of Yenisseisk, east of Omsk.

The Dorpat Conference

ORPAT, to which attention is now turning, is a rather distinguished little city of 50,000 people, the capital of a province of Livonia, the seat of a university of note, and an esteemed example of provincial culture. Lying west of Lake Peipus and midway of its length, it has been a little out of the track of armies, and has been spared the costly celebrity of figuring in the news of the great war which has raged on all sides of it; its turn comes with the making of peace, and it is not a little curious that just as the peace delegates are leaving Paris with their task unfinished the business of carrying on the task should devolve upon this staid little town in the Baltic provinces.

As yet the negotiations there have not passed beyond the tentative stage, the first subject taken up being the exchange of prisoners. Soviet Russia is represented by Litvinoff, formerly its embassador to England, and best known through his repeated efforts to negotiate peace. Other states represented are Esthonia, Lithuania, Latvia and Poland. All the Baltic states and the Soviet Republic are prepared to go on with further negotiations looking to peace; Poland's attitude is still to be made clear, and also whether Finland will later enter the conference.

Of the Entente powers only Great Britain is represented, and this only in the preliminary negotiations for the exchange of prisoners, but what happens is being watched with great interest. In addition to the official British representation, Mr. O'Grady, a labor M. P., Great Britain has on the spot Col. Tallant, British commissioner at Riga, who has had much to do with the execution of British policy in the Baltic. Asked if it were true that Great Britain is putting pressure on the conference, as has been alleged, he told a newspaper correspondent, "I do not think so,' " which so far as it goes is encouraging.

Hopeful, too, was the temper shown at the opening of the conference. The meeting was marked, we are told, by a readiness on both sides to work for a speedy understanding, and that an agreement was quickly reached in principle regarding the exchange of hostages. It was indeed not to the interest of the Soviets to make difficulties, because of their desire to have the conference pass with no breaks to the matter of arranging for the negotiation of peace.

The Baltic states have shown a similar desire, and their wish for peace is likely to be increased by the news from Helsingfors that 20,000 of Gen. Yudenich's soldiers have gone over to the Bolsheviki. Since his army probably at no time exceeded 30,000 men and lost heavily in the campaign, his

activities may be supposed at an end, and the Esthonians, who have never been impressed with the fighting quality of his army, may consider themselves excused from any obligation to continue the war. If the Allies are alert to seize the chance to redeem past diplomatic blunders, Dorpat may yet pass into history as the place where the great war in Europe ended.

IN

-The Springfield Republican, Nov. 20, 1919.

ure."

The "Blockade” of Russia

Some

'N THE House of Commons yesterday the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs admitted that our measures in the Baltic, although they exercise against the inhabitants of Russia, both Bolshevik and anti-Bolshevik, all the rigors of a blockade are not in fact a legal blockade at all. We have never declared war on the Bolshevik Government; we have never declared a formal blockade; we have never notified neutrals that such a thing as a "blockade" exists; in the note to neutrals inviting their assistance in maintaining this embargo we do not mention the word blockade; in the similar note to Germany we speak only of "economic presYet we are stopping not only Bolshevik shipping in the Baltic, but the ships of neutrals also, if they are sailing to Bolshevik ports-an action for which, as is now admitted, we have no title whatever in international law, and which we can only inflict upon the neutrals by means of our superior force and in violation of law. weeks ago it was reported in Sweden that members of the Swedish Labor party were anxious to take into their homes throughout the winter a number of children from Russia, and that the project had broken down because of the determination of the Allies to permit no intercourse with Russia. the same time the Swedish Foreign Minister was reported to have said that Swedish merchantmen could only trade with Russia if escorted by Swedish warships, which would mean, as it obviously would, the risk of war. To such ends does our Russian policy lead us, to such shame of inhumanity and lawlessness. The rights of neutrals are openly violated. We do not hear much of the views of the neutral countries, for they are small and weak, and we are all-powerful after the war. But none the less they are being forced to submit to a naval dominance which does not care even to justify itself under the forms of law. In the days of the war our enemies used to charge us with the offence of Navalism, or the exertion of maritime power unrestricted by law or consideration for the rights of the neutral and the weak. The charge was not true then. Are we anxious to justify it up to the hilt now?

-Manchester Guardian, October 29.

If you know that new subscriptions to SOVIET RUSSIA are received at the rate of one dollar for three months and we assure you that is the case-why not become a new subscriber?

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Documents on the Atrocities against Jews Committed by Denikin's Forces

(Translated from the Jewish Daily Forward, of New York, of November 11, 13, and 14.)

DISPATCH from Constantinople, which appeared recently in the newspapers, reported that General Denikin had announced to the world that he was not an anti-Semite. This declaration was made after the soldiers and Cossacks of Denikin's "volunteer" army had killed thousands of Jews, outraged thousands of Jewish women, and looted dozens of Jewish cities and towns.

To show how true is Denikin's assertion that he is not an anti-Semite, we reprint three official documents about Denikin. We received these documents from Mr. Nathan Brenner, an American Jew, who a few months ago went to Europe and visited England, Caucasia, and Turkey, where he came into possession of these important documents.

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The Jewish population, in its vast majority, belongs to the middle class. They were therefore looking forward with impatience to the coming of the volunteer army, which would liberate them from the proletarian dictatorship. The Jewish population welcomed the marching army with joy, and was ready to help with money and men.

But, to our great misfortune, the Jews were mistaken, and their hopes were shattered. Instead of peace and order, which you have promised, the soldiers of your volunteer army brought to the Jews pogroms and violence, and in some cases even the authorities themselves showed openly their hatred toward the Jews.

In taking the liberty to call your Excellency's attention to this, we are well aware of the heavy responsibility which we, the representatives of the Jews, are taking upon ourselves. But it is our duty to speak. We understand very well that when individual places are occupied, violence is sometimes unavoidable. But unfortunately we must tell you that these are not individual cases; that wherever the volunteer army came, the Jews were systematically looted. Particularly strong were the outbreaks in Yekaterinoslav. There all the Jewish

residences on four streets were looted, hundreds of Jewish women were outraged, and many Jews were murdered. The pogrom in Yekaterinoslav is still going on. Violence and looting, which are but pogroms on a small scale, are still a daily occurrence in Kharkov. Such occurrences take place in many smaller towns, such as Avdeyevka, Yenakyevo, Grinisheno, Sinelnikovo, Lozovaya, Volki, Bogodukhov, and in many other towns.

We also deem it necessary to remark that in some places the higher officials did indeed try to curb the savage mob, but they were not successful. The printed propaganda of the "Osvotch" (The Association for the Liberation of the Fatherland) and especially some of the regulations of the commanders in regard to the Jewish volunteers, officers and soldiers arouse still more the passions of the dark masses and paralyze the activity of some of the administrators, which might have some effect.

As soon as the volunteers enter a city they immediately begin to post leaflets inciting against the Jews. The leaflets appear simultaneously with the official orders of the commanders.

The attitude of many commanders toward the Jews and the Jewish volunteers is very harmful. Our youth is ready to sacrifice their lives for Russia, and nevertheless they are openly spat upon and insulted. (Following this the petition mentions a great many facts showing how Denikin's commanders threw out from the army Jewish officers and soldiers and how these were insulted.)

This attitude is a great menace to the Jews: the dark masses draw the conclusion that the Jews are outlawed and defenseless.

Your Excellency, we ask for justice, not for mercy. When the peace conference admits the Jewish people to the League of Nations, we cannot entertain the thought that our brothers should be looted, our women outraged, and our sons insulted because there are Bolsheviks among the Jews. No one should take revenge on the peaceful Jewish population, because the Jews are no more to blame for producing a Trotzky or a Sverdlov than the Russians are to blame for producing a Lenin or a Gorky.

In the name of the four largest Jewish commu nities in the region under your control we take the liberty to address to you a request that you raise your voice against this violence and injustice.

Your Excellency, do not refuse our request! Publish a declaration to the Russian people and to the army that the whole Jewish people must not be held responsible for the individual Jews who are Bolsheviks.

We entreat your Excellency to confirm officially that according to the laws of the Provisional Government the Jews are citizens with equal rights, and no one can deprive them of these rights.

Like all other citizens, we have also the right to give our lives for Russia by enlisting in the army. If you will issue an order to the army to this effect, you will thereby confirm the right which is so sacred to us.

The people will heed your voice. Your declaration will calm the popular masses. It will bring peace between the parts of the population and will create a stable situation, which is so necessary for you in the further struggle for a united great Russia.

II.

The second document is a report of the interview which the representatives of the Jewish communities had with General Denikin on July 26. The Yekaterinoslav Jewish community was represented by Mr. M. S. Brook, the Kharkov community, by Dr. Vilensky, the Rostov community by Dr. Z. D. Goldenberg, and the Taganrog community by Dr. E. Evinson.

The Report of the Interview

Dr. Vilensky introduced the members of the delegation to General Denikin, and then read to him the petition. Denikin listened attentively to the petition, from time to time making a remark during the reading.

When Dr. Vilensky got through reading, he told Denikin that the delegation had ample materials and documents substantiating their charges, and that they were ready to turn them over to the general. To this the general replied:

"As to the Jewish officers and soldiers of the volunteer army, there is no need for my telling you whether I personally love them or hate them. In general, it is ridiculous to consider this question from the standpoint of national expediency or humanitarianism. As to the question about the attitude of my commanders toward the Jews, I have always combatted and will continue to combat this unfortunate phenomenon; but the situation is such that it is simply very difficult to do anything against it.

"I have tried and will continue to try to weaken it, but I cannot remove it entirely. My commanders have on their own responsibility issued orders to send the Jewish officers into separate battalions. I even remonstrated with General Maimayevsky on this account. Formally he had no right to do this. But I knew that he could not act differently. I myself was finally forced to issue an order that the Jewish officers be transferred to the reserve. And I must tell you that from Armavir, whither they were sent, we have already received complaints that they are not wanted there. But this will be somehow settled. I see no other way. This must be done first of all to save from disagreeable experience the Jews themselves for whom life

among the officers has become unbearable. And now I ask you: can you suggest a better way to solve this question?"

The delegation replied that there was only one way to solve this question-that the staff commanders should accord to Jews the same treatment as to all others. "The possibility that the Jewish officers will at first suffer disagreeable experiences at the hand of their colleagues, the Christian officers, is not dangerous for us. But we cannot permit that the Jews should be slighted." The delegation expressed the hope that in time the passions would subside.

And though General Denikin repeated his assertion that it would be worse for the Jews should the Jewish officers and soldiers of the volunteer army be accorded the same treatment as others, the delegation nevertheless insisted that it would not be dangerous, even if the Jewish officers should sometimes be shot in the back by their own Christian comrades. "Such a situation cannot last," said the representatives of the Jewish communities. "We hold too dearly the principle of equality."

Denikin then pointed out another side of the question. "I am very much afraid," he said, "that there will be too much resentment among the officers, and I cannot therefore accept your standpoint." After this, Denikin tried to explain the hatred of his soldiers toward the Jews by the fact that they have to fight against the Jewish communist legions. To this the delegation replied that General Shkuro himself admitted that there was only one such legion, which contains only three hundred men. "To be sure, there are rumors that there is another such legion somewhere around Odessa, but this is no more than a rumor based on an assumption. And, besides, it is wrong that the army should get aroused against the Jews because of a legion of three hundred men.

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General Denikin then remarked that 130 Jewish commissaires were found in Yekaterinaslav after that city had been evacuated by the Bolsheviki. The delegation replied: "This is not certain; it is too well known that Jewish commissaires are sometimes discovered where there were none. Very often Jews who knew nothing about Bolshevism and had no connection with Bolshevism are declared to have been commissaires in order to create the impression that every Jew is a commissaire. In Yuzovka, for instance, a very wealthy Jew was declared to have been a commissaire. This fact was quoted by General Shkuro."

General Denikin said that the Jews, because they live in compact masses, could influence the Bolsheviki. The delegation was amazed by this statement, and pointed out that the Jewish Bolsheviki had nothing to do with Judaism. "When the Moscow rabbi appealed to Trotzky and told him that his activity was harmful for the Jewish people, the latter replied that he had nothing in common with Judaism. The broad Jewish masses do not support

Bolshevism." Denikin replied: "I can understand this, but just try to explain it to the masses.'

Delegation: "You have shown wonders in creating a strong and disciplined army, and we have not the slightest doubt that it would not be hard for you, by issuing an order, to compel your officers to heed your words."

Denikin: "Yes, we have accomplished a great deal indeed. But I thank the Lord that my military orders are not disobeyed. In view of the present composition and morale of my army, it is impossible to expect more than this."

Delegation: "We believe, however, that the Jewish soldiers of the reserves also have to suffer a grat deal at the hands of the volunteer army, and not only the Jewish officers at the hands of the Christian officers

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Denikin: "And I believe that it is easier for the Jewish soldiers to get along among the other plain soldiers, and I doubt if any serious clashes could be expected between them."

Delegation: "But you cannot ignore the Jews, who feel offended as Jews. Is it right to demand of them that they should enlist in the volunteer army and sacrifice their lives when their brothers, the Jewish officers, are being thrown out of this army?"

Denikin had no reply to this.

When his attention was called to the pogroms and looting which were carried on by the volunteer army, he said that as far as he knew they were already abating, and that in Kharkov calm had already been restored. But the delegation replied that this is not true, that Kharkov was not at all calm, and that small-scale pogroms still continued there; that even now not a day passed there without looting and rape. At this point the delegation handed to Denikin a copy of the petition which the Jews of Yuzovka sent to General Maimayevsky. Denikin read the petition, and it was apparent that it made a strong impression upon him. "As to Yekaterinoslav, one cannot speak of what occurred there without a shudder: whole streets were wrecked, almost all the Jewish houses demolished, hundreds of Jewish women raped, many Jews killed. At first we were disposed to believe that this occurrence was the result of the soldiers' intoxication with the victory. We were sure that this would soon abate, but it turned out that there was not even a thought of stopping these atrocities and horrors.

"All these atrocities," continued the delegation, "occur on the railroads, all over the line which is in the hands of the volunteer army. Jews found on a train are thrown out through the windows. No Jew can save himself, and if, in an exceptional case, one does save himself, he must pay for this a large sum of money."

Denikin: "Yes, it is hard to expect anything good of people who are absolutely depraved and mentally degenerated. Because they were mobilized into the army they have not become better

men. They are not the kind of volunteers who enlist in the army for the sake of an ideal and for whom I could stand sponsor. They are a conglomeration. Their state becomes clear if one takes into account the general decline of morals." Denikin then tried to prove that the pogroms are not directed only against the Jews.

Delegation: "The pogroms start exclusively against the Jews; Christian houses and stores are skipped. Only rarely does it happen that Christians are also touched and that an attack is made on Christian houses and stores. This happens only when the pogrom wave becomes so violent that it can no more be controled."

Denikin: "I am really better informed about these outbreaks than you are

At this point the delegation pointed out to Denikin that these outbreaks make it impossible to collect for the army necessary materials and money. "People can not collect money at a time when everything has to be hidden lest it be taken by the looters and women and children have to be hidden to save them from violence."

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With regard to the charge that the commanders themselves are issuing anti-Semitic orders, Denikin said that it was hard to ascertain these facts. would be easier for you to ascertain these," he said. But the delegation objected that it seemed incomprehensible that the Jews shoud be in a better position than himself to ascertain such facts. “You can resort to a very simple means," the delegation suggested. "You could send a special messenger or your adjutant and he would obtain for you all the literature of the "Osvotch" (Association for the Liberation of the Fatherland), among which you will also find the anti-Semitic leaflets. Besides, one of us has with him one such leaflet, which was printed in the "Osvotch" printing office. The delegation also mentioned the Bulletins No. 7 and 12.

Denikin: "It's queer. While you complain that the "Osvotch" is issuing pogrom proclamations, I am getting letters every day which claim that the "Osvotch" has sold out to the Jews."

The delegation asked Denikin to issue a special declaration with regard to the Jews. But the General refused on the ground that, firstly, it was superfluous and, secondly, it would only make matters worse for the Jews, because the populace was greatly aroused against them.

The delegation then remarked that the General put too much weight on the assumption that the populace was aroused against the Jews. In reality the situation was not at all so bad: only a certain part of the population was aroused against the Jews, and it was precisely that part which does not comprehend the task of the present moment and is really not patriotic. "And if you will say"-continued the delegation-"that it is not because they are not patriots, we say to you that this attitude toward the Jews demoralizes all the army and makes it incapable of any accomplishment. We must also tell you that by ruining four millions of Jews the

economic life of the whole country will be ruined. It is therefore your duty to raise your voice, and Russian society will heed you. We also want to tell you that if you will order the "Osvotch" to stop spitting fire against the Jews they will obey you."

In this connection, the delegation mentioned the fact that in Rostov-on-the-Don the population had also been incited against the Jews. Nevertheless there were no outbreaks there, because the ruling circles had ordered that the Jews shall not be molested.

The delegation further insisted that General Denikin should issue a declaration against Jewish pogroms. "The declaration"-the Jewish representatives said "is of very great importance at the present moment, because the volunteer army is penetrating into the provinces of Poltava, Kharkov and Kiev, which are inhabited by many Jews. These Jews have already suffered a great deal from Makhno's and Grigoryev's bands, and you must see to it that their outrages should not be repeated by your army. Even Admiral Kolchak issued a declaration, although he may have done it for political reasons."

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Denikin: "Yes, there are Americans with Kolchak... I need no such declaration. not necessary.' In conclusion, General Denikin said that as far as pogroms were concerned he would try his best that they should cease. "Believe me," he said, "that in this respect we have already accomplished a great deal. Were it not for this, the situation would be much worse. And as to your assertion that the commanders themselves are isuing pogrom leaflets, I will investigate the matter and take the necessary measures." But he absolutely refused to do anything with regard to the army. "It will abate in time," he said.

When he was asked at the end of the interview whether he intended to issue an order against Jewish pogroms he replied definitely:

"Not now. In time, if it should be necessary,

may do it."

III

I

The third document is an appeal of the Ukrainian Jews to the Jews of America, which reads in part as follows:

THE APPEAL

You cannot imagine with what impatience the Jews of south Russia awaited Denikin's volunteer army. Most eager were the well-to-do Jews; they looked upon the volunteers as upon "liberators." When the Kuban Cossacks were expected at Simferopol, many Jewish merchants felt such joy and enthusiasm that they danced and sang Cossack songs. But their joy was not justified. In the early morning of July 23, 1919, the Kuban Cossacks entered the city. It was still somewhat dark in the streets. The Cossacks' examination of the streets had a queer look, and the very first question which the commander himself asked of the first pedestrian he happened to meet was: "Are there many sheenies here?" The Jews of the city were terrified. In the afternoon Jewish corpses could be seen hanging on the trees.

The volunteers continued to advance, and the further they advanced the further they carried the poison, the

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In Jankoye they confined themselves to house searches. The searches were carried on by soldiers and Cossacks, and they took away anything they happened to put their hands on. The Cossacks and the volunteers boasted that they were given permission to do anything they please for three days, but they were nevertheless satisfied to confine themselves to searches and to appropriating everything which they considered worth while. In addition they outraged a Jewish woman who was in the eighth month of pregnancy and beat up several Jews.

Ensign Dakhov, of the third volunteer corps, which is stationed at Jankoye, was not embarassed even by the presence of the English. We ourselves have seen him arrest several persons for no offense at all, whom he beat up so badly that it was impossible to recognize them. One of these he hung up to the ceiling head downward and with his heels he struck him in the face and neck, murmuring at the same time: "I will make my career at the expense of the sheenies."

In the unfortunate Kremenchug 700 Jewish women are now in the hospital, having been outraged by the volun

teers.

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In Yekaterinoslav the Jews were massacred and murdered without an end, and the atrocities have not ceased yet.

When we left Russia, one month ago, the volunteers had already been in Yekaterinoslav for three weeks, and the pogrom was still going on there.

The position of the Jews under the Denikin regime is much worse than under Petlura's. Under Petlura's regime the Jews had to suffer from accidental bands and irresponsible murderers. But now, under the Denikin regime, they have to suffer from an organized state power which has the confidence and support of the Allies. Before the pog: roms were looked upon as an accidental misfortune which will soon pass away and will give way to peace and order. But now it is clear that the state power itself has undertaken systematically to exterminate the whole Jewish people.

General Maynard Knighted

Major General C. C. M. Maynard, who commanded the Murmansk Force in North Russia, was yesterday received by the King, who invested him with the insignia of a K. C. B.

-Manchester Guardian, Nov. 4, 1919.

Bound Volumes of "Soviet Russia" for

1919

At the end of December, after No. 30 of SOVIET RUSSIA has made its appearance, we shall bind one hundred complete sets of the weekly (June-December, 1919) and deliver them to persons who have placed their orders in advance. The price for a complete set, appropriately bound in one volume, and lettered in gold, will be four dollars. Only one hundred applications for such volumes will be accepted, and each application must be accompanied by cash or check.

Ask to be placed on our "Bound Volume" list when you send your remittance.

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