of Pskov, Petrograd, and Novgorod, and he adds that the new government shall "be supported by the authority of a legislative congress of representatives of zemstvos, co-operative organizations, and other local workers, which shall be convoked within a short period. An arrangement was made with the Esthonians on August 12th, involving a promise of Esthonian co-operation against Petrograd in exchange for the recognition of Esthonian independence. The agreement seems to have been signed, for the Esthonian side, by Commander-inChief Laidoner, but, according to other Reval reports, confirmed by a Reuter telegram from Paris, the Esthonians are said to content themselves with a recognition of the independence of their country by Messrs. Laidoner and Yudenich without very definitely demanding recognition also by the Supreme Council in Paris in the name of the Allies. The British delegation in Paris has at present in General Gough a zealous supporter of this measure. But thus far nothing has been heard as to how either the British Government or its Allies regard the proposals of Generals Marsh and Gough. The Reval correspondent of the Times, to be sure, reports that Marsh was also getting the support of the British political agent, Col. Gordon; the British Consul-General, Bosanquet; the American Peace Commissioner, Col. Dawley; and the French representative, Col. Hurstel; but these military personages could hardly have had any authority to come to definite terms in a matter with such far-reaching political implications. Besides, General Yudenich nominally recognizes Admiral Kolchak, way off in Siberia, as his supreme military and political superior, and the latter has already declared himself opposed to the independence of Esthonia. The correspondent also takes pains to point out that Yudenich's measure must not be interpreted as showing a lack of loyalty to Kolchak, but is simply made possible by defective communications with the latter, who cannot, owing to the distance between him and them, have a direct estimate of the situation on the Petrograd front. The idea now seems to be to advance on Petrograd from two separate sectors, an Esthonian sector under Laidoner, and a Russian sector under General Rodzianko. The interview of the Reval correspondent of the Hufvudstadsbladet (Helsingfors) with Laidoner would indicate that the new government also has a number of illusions as to the readiness of the Finnish Government, in view of what he calls "altered political conjectures," to take up again the question of a military co-operation against Petrograd, which is a very unlikely eventuality. For the present, Yudenich is casting about for aid from another quarter also, namely from Germany. Freiheit has daily complaints of the recruiting of German officers and men which is carried on by "Kolchak's military mission in Berlin," and of the close co-operation which has been established in Kurland between the officers of German troops still remaining in that province, and the Russian corps of Keller and Lieven, who are co-operating with Yudenich. It is not entirely inconceivable that this Russo-German co-operation, necessarily achieved on foreign soil, a co-operation of strictly "anti-democratic" nature, accelerated the counter-measure of the two political British generals in dragging forth from the soil a "democratic" Northwest Russian Government with political aims more presentable in the eyes of Esthonians and Letts. But this entire Northwest Russian adventure really is an equation with a great number of unknown quantities. For instance, we do not know how long the governments of the Allies will stand behind Generals Marsh and Gough. The liberal press in England, particularly the Daily News and the Westminster Gazette, have been anything but sympathetic with regard to British co-operation in this enterprise. Matin expresses a corresponding dissatisfaction in French circles, which have already been made nervous as to British plans of expansion, owing to the Anglo-Persian agreement, and in this quarter presumably the aversion of the Russian emigrés against a preliminary recognition of the independence of the marginal countries, is probably shared by their French friends, for a restored "White" Russia is more to their taste. Very little indeed is known as to the attitude of the Esthonians themselves. They have driven out the Bolsheviki and established a fairly satisfactory border guard against Soviet Russia, beyond which the poorly disciplined "Northwest Russian" bands of warriors have been operating in recent days. At present there is a severe party conflict in progress within the country, and the Left groups which are so largely represented in the governments display much greater interest in a Socialistic land reform than in a military campaign beyond the borders of the country. The Reval correspondent of Hufvudstadsbladet wrote as late as August 11th, in other words, the day before Yudenich and Laidoner made this agreement, with much concern, that "peace with the maximalists is a favorite theme in our press," and that "one fears the imaginary danger threatening from Kolchak, that is monarchic Russia, infinitely more than the advancing hosts of the Reds." As Esthonian offensive against Petrograd would presumably have to be preceded by an alteration of the political system at Reval, even if the Entente should pay for such an offensive by itself recognizing the independence of Esthonia. Among the many unknown quantities are also the strength and efficiency of the two armies for a rather extensive operation. The statements of the Finnish correspondent are not at all optimistic on this matter, particularly when they speak of the so-called "Russian Northern Corps," which have lost by desertion more than half their numerical strength at the beginning of the campaign. And as far as help from Germany is concerned, Marshal Foch seems to be extremely displeased with the beginnings of this plan, exaggerated as the reports of them have probably been. The whole business furthermore, makes the impression of being in terrible confusion, with only one definite point outstanding-one point of great interest-namely, the request to recognize Esthonia. SOVIET RUSSIA A Weekly Devoted to the Spread of Truth About Russia Official Organ of the RUSSIAN SOVIET GOVERNMENT BUREAU 110 West 40th Street, New York, N. Y. PRICE: $5.00 per Year; $2.50 per Half-Year; $1.25 per Quarter; 10 Cents per Copy This weekly will carry articles by members of the Russian Soviet Government Bureau as well as by friends and supporters of Soviet Russia. Full responsibility is assumed by the Bureau only for unsigned articles. 241 Address: "SOVIET RUSSIA” 110 West 40th Street, Room 304, New York, N. Y. aiding the Tartars and Georgians to resist Denikin's aggressions. In Siberia the Commander of the American forces guarding Kolchak's rear holds up munitions dispatched from America to the sorely beset Admiral. Kalmikoff's Cossacks apply the knout to an American soldier and the United States threatens to withdraw from Siberia because the Japanese have "failed to protect the lives and property" of the American railroad engineers. Turning back to the west, we meet the preposterous Von der Goltz, attacking Lithuania and Latvia, in open defiance of Paris; one day nonsensically reported in alliance with the Soviets, and the next, advancing upon Riga in company with Russian White Guards. The British and French warships in the harbor of Riga clear for action and prepare to train their guns upon the very forces which they were supporting in Murmansk and Archangel. The munition makers prosper, finding a ready market for their left-over wares, and new contracts for their swollen industries in all this congenial business of slaughter. Meanwhile the Soviet gov ernment, in a world given over to treachery and intrigue, can congratulate itself that it has no "allies." THE HE final phase of the war against Soviet Russia has become the visible reductio ad absurdum of selfish capitalist imperialism masquerading as the protector of small nations. In their eagerness to erect "barriers against Bolshevism," the powers were lavish in promises of self-determination and recognition to their wards in central and northern Europe. The Paris statesmen are reaping the whirlwind of their own sowing. They find themselves backing both sides of a dozen petty wars. Poland, not content with campaigns against the Germans and against Ukraine and Lithuania, her foster brothers in the Entente household, dashes forth on a Napoleonic invasion of Russia, calling frantically from the shores of the Beresina for overcoats. Petlura and Denikin, former allies in the anti-Soviet coalition, are at war with one another. American munitions are supplied to Denikin and American money is supplied to the Ukrainians. Harold Williams, the English propagandist for Denikin, charges that Petlura's movement is fomented by the Germans, at the moment when it is announced from London that the United States has granted a credit of $15,000,000 to the Ukrainians. An American officer reports that because of the ferocious pogroms conducted by Denikin's men the British have withdrawn their support from this English knight. In Denikin's rear the Georgians are openly antagonistic and an anti-Denikin movement is reported in the Azerbaijan Republic. One correspondent attributes these activities to "German and Turkish agents," while another says that at the same time that British staff officers were sent to aid Denikin other British staff officers were AMBASSADOR Morris is quoted as saying that Kolchak's manifold difficulties are "seemingly beyond the power of one man to solve alone." Certainly the prestige of the Supreme Ruler has suffered serious loss. His apologists admit that he has no control over Kalmikoff and the other chieftains enjoying Japanese favor. The president of the first Siberian Duma, which was dissolved by Kolchak, plots the overthrow of the Omsk dictatorship and accuses Kolchak of "inability even to organize national defense against the Bolsheviki." From a coalition of Cossacks under Generals Dutoff and Rinoff and a variety of local economic and political organizations, comes a demand for the dismissal of the whole personnel of the Omsk government, excepting the Admiral. Finally, the Allied commanders demand the removal of Russian troops from Vladivistok. Kolchak is said to have protested effectively against this "violation of Russian sovereignity." The Allies were prevailed upon to allow the Russians to remain in Vladivostok. Meanwhile the most interesting development in the career of the "All-Russian" government is the rumor that its capital is to be moved from Omsk to Berlin. The Lettish premier tells the correspondent of an English paper of the plan for an alliance between Russian and German reactionaries against the Entente. The Esthonian delegate in London frankly says that Esthonia will not continue in a military campaign against Soviet Russia in conjunction with this Russian-German alliance. The powers, caught in a dilemma of their own making, must now decide between peace with Soviet Russia or alliance with German military imperialism. Ε WE quote the following from an excellent re view of the potential economic and industrial wealth of Russia which recently appeared in the editorial columns of the New York Journal of Commerce: 66 The mines, the forests, the fruitful soil and the great rivers-all with which nature has so plentifully endowed Russia—are still there, awaiting the touch of industry and enterprise to supply the means of producing more wealth than ever before. . So far the Russian peasants have only scratched the surface of the soil with their light wooden plows. . . . By replacing Russia's primitive implements of culture with steel plows, by plowing more deeply, and by introducing more intensive and more scientific agriculture, the productivity of the Russian soil can be enormously increased, with the consequent enlargement of her exportable supply of grain. gard to the recuperative power of Russia there is little room for dispute. There is an opportunity to advance money on enormous tracts of timber In re land, on undeveloped mining resources, on great construction projects and in the rebuilding of water and rail transportation lines through tracts of forest, mineral or agricultural land. While the European countries have comparatively little potential wealth left, Russia and Siberia have huge potential wealth lying at hand ready to be utilized. All things considered, when the prime requisite of stable government under which life and property will be secure is forthcoming, the development of a new and reinvigorated Russia is certain to rank. among the most momentous events of our time." Here is our case most ably presented. We differ with the Journal of Commerce only as to the manner in which this great wealth and property will be made "secure." We see it secured to all the workers of Russia. The Journal of Commerce, on the other hand, appears to favor its reversion to the czarist nobles and capitalists who kept Russia in the state of industrial backwardness described by the Journal. The Guerilla War in Siberia THE cable reports which reach the United States create the impression that the so-called AllRussian Government under the command of Supreme Ruler Kolchak is in complete control of Siberia. A perusal of the Siberian press, which is under a strict censorship, discloses the fact, however, that civil war has at no time ceased in Siberia. While the Czecho-Slovak army, reinforced by the Cossacks, succeeded in defeating the regular forces of the Bolsheviki, they scattered throughout the vast virgin forests of Siberia and from their places of safety made incursions upon the Siberian trunk line. The following communication of the Information Bureau of the Czecho-Slovak General Staff, which is condensed from the Nashe Dyelo of Irkutsk, of June 19, 1919, gives a clear idea of the military operations of the Siberian Bolsheviki. "The organization of the Bolshevist bands is being effected in accordance with military principles, which imparts a military character to their operations. They realize that the wrecking of the only line of communication and the economic artery of the whole Siberia, and the delay in the transportation of necessities for the urban population and of war supplies for the front would contribute to the breaking up of the rear of the eastern anti-Bolshe vik front. "The military operations of the Bolsheviki are chiefly in the nature of guerilla warfare. They have formed numerous so-called flying detachments of cavalry and infantry scouting parties, which are conducting raids in groups of larger or smaller tactical units. The aim of these raids is to injure the railroad line and to capture ammunition and supplies. The bases and the operating staffs of the Bolsheviki are situated in the villages and settle ments hidden in the thick Siberian forests, which are almost impassable and are, moreover, defended by villages situated near the railroad and occupied by the Bolsheviki. These fortifications are usually provided with deep dug-outs made in the winter, where, in individual places, a regular watch is being kept, with a whole chain of barriers erected in front of the dug-outs. These trenches are being dug out by the population of the neighboring villages, who are also doing the destructive work on the railroad, which requires the participation of a large number of workers. "The Bolsheviki have organized their rear, too, in military fashion. They have established a chain of wheeled vehicles, field hospitals and first aid stations for the wounded. They have tried to build mills for the production of ammunition. It has been ascertained that in many villages bullets for rifles and machine guns are manufactured. "The Bolshevik bands commenced their operations last winter along the trunk line from Krasnoyarsk eastward as far as Nizhneudinsk. Taking advantage of the inaccessibility of their nests, to which only scarce country roads lead through thick woods and deep snow, they gathered their forces unimpeded and directed their attacks on the main Siberian railroad line almost without any resistance. attack and just as rapidly hide back in the woods. Running on their snow-shoes they would rapidly Their life in the woods as huntsmen has trained them for such actions; they are good marksmen. Their attacks were met with only passive defense since, owing to the inaccessibility of that section, it was impossible to operate with large units. Cossacks were sent against their nests, but fighting in snow-covered thick forests against the small and mobile squadrons of the Bolsheviki did not bring the desired results. The Russian (Kolchak) guards patrolling the bridges, depots, etc., were subject to frequent attacks by the Bolsheviki." This communication fully corroborates the information reprinted on another page from the Moscow Pravda of May 21st. We give in the present issue a map of Siberia which shows the points where guerilla warfare has been goin on. These points are indicated by black dots. As in some sections they lie very close together, three subsidiary maps, drawn on a larger scale, are given, where the names of the principal places are indicated. These maps are brought up to the middle of August. According to latest cable dispatches the city of Tomsk has been taken by the Soviet forces. It was surmised that those were local forces. From the scattered reports in the Siberian newspapers it appears that those forces had been gathering since last May. It must be noted that our information is very incomplete owing to the irregularity of postal communications with Siberia. A glance at the detailed map of the Maritime and Amour provinces shows, nevertheless, that practically the whole country has at one time or another been in revolt against the Kolchak rule. The sources of information upon which the maps are based are given in the explanatory notes to the maps. They are arranged chronologically in the order of the dates of the Siberian newspapers from which they have been compiled. In conclusion we reprint from the Manchester Guardian the following wireless message from Moscow dated September 15th: "Some sixteen miles to the east of Krasnoyarsk (800 miles east of Omsk), on the Trans-Siberian railroad the Zvansk Soviet Republic has been in existence for more than six months, the population of which amounts to some 60,000. The army is equipped with artillery, machine guns and rifles, and numbers 10,000 men under the command of a certain Kravchenko. Throughout the territory of the Republic the factories are producing rifles, cartridges, and powder for the army as well as agricultural machinery for the peasants. All efforts of the Omsk Government to destroy this Republic have failed." Taishet. The Reds in the Taishet region have reached the railroad line from the village Tasseev and captured several settlements from which they attack the railroad lines, deranging tracks and shooting at trains.-Nashe Dyelo. April 29 IRKUTSK PROVINCE Ilim tract. A band of Reds appeared near the counties of Kezhemsk and Karaphjchansk. Bolshevik detachments driven out of the Kansk distract are penetrating north into the Ilimsk region (Kezhemsk). Nashe Dyelo. April 30 AMUR PROVINCE Reds attacked us in the village Kurunzulay on March 28th.-Golos Primorya. May 9 TOMSK PROVINCE Several Bolshevist detachments are carrying on their operations in the district of Mariynsk, province of Tomsk. They have the support of a certain part of the population. Skirmishes are occurring in the vicinity of a number of villages. -Dalnyevostochnoye Obozrynie. * June 11 YENISEYSK PROVINCE Bol Our troops defeated a Red detachment in the Stepno-Badjeysk district about 3,000 strong. Czech unit in the Tinskaya direction and another near the Ingashskaya station routed the Reds in the district north of the Reshety-Tinskaya-Ingashskaya line and occupied about 30 versts. shevik stronghold numbering about 700 men was in the village Mucherovo. Osjarovskaya, Volkovo, Fokinskoye, Budniki, Kucherovo, Sulovskaya Alexandrovka and Berikovskaya were taken. The enemy was pursued to the villages Rytvino and Kozlovo (34 versts north of Tinskaya). The enemy has fled further towards Dolgy Most. The village Berikovskaya was burnt.-Nashe Dyelo. Taishet Front. The nucleus of the Bolshevik bands now operating were formed from undiscovered Soviet troops in the woods and remote villages, owing to the rapid Checho-Slavok movement along the main line of the Trans-Siberian railroad last year. Later these Bolshevik bands communicated with Soviet Russia through Bolshevik agitators in Siberia. (Similar organizations were found in Ekaterinburg, Omsk and other cities.) Some Bolshevik detachments number 1,000 men. South of Krasnoyarsk Bolshevik bands have organized brigades and divisions and procured machine guns. -Nashe Dyelo. June 17 MARITIME PROVINCE Nikolsk-Ussuriysk Region. In the NikolskUssuriysk district Chinese bandits (Hunhuzy), with about 600 Reds, burnt the Pyankov mill, near Kondratenko. Glukhovka was taken by a detachment of 130 men on June 14th. The Reds have requisitioned grain and vehicles for transportation. 100 Reds attacked the Golenki station on June 16th.-Ussuriyski Krai. June 18 YENISEYSK PROVINCE In the Tasseyskoye district, in the village Novoselskaya a battle was fought. Our troops captured the fortified village Kulakovo. In the south Kansk-Svischevo district the operations on the river Mana are impeded by the erection of obstructions. On June 11th a Czecho-Slovak battalion engaged in fighting with the Bolsheviki, of whom 100 men crossed over to the right bank of the river Mana to the village Karvinskoye. Part of the Bolsheviki dispersed near the village Karvinskoye. Along the Tulun-Karvinskoye front heavy rifle and machine gun firing is going on. A Cossack unit at the village Kozhelak was forced to retreat to the village Uskanskaya which the foe occupied. On June 12th two Bolshevik companies with two machine guns attacked our outposts. Our front lines retreated. Our troops have cleared the heights on the left bank of the Mana river and the mouth of the Limya river. 35 versts south of Rybinskoye we took an important ferry at the village Koyskaya. Rozanov's detachment is fighting on the left bank of the Mana river. On the same day 200 Bolsheviki armed with machine guns attempted to cross to the north of the Golubovskoye district. The village Kubinskoye was attacked by 200 men with two machine guns. At the Alzamay-Tayshe-Kansk station CzechoSlovaks have taken the village of Nizhne-Zaimskoi, 32 versts north of Taishet June 12th. In the Tasseyevskoye region a part of our troops advances from Momotova to the village of Sumobasharovskaya.-Nashe Dyelo. |