sariat for Social Welfare in Petrograd. This institution, among other things, is managing the splendid children's colonies. The activities of this department however, are far from being only a matter of charity. It is a part of a new municipal system in the field of social welfare. Everything is being re-organized from the bottom, and far-reaching plans for the care of children and old people are being made and carried out. On the day when I was ready to leave Petrograd she was able to tell me that her wish to become a supervisor of one of the children's colonies had been gratified. She was elated over the prospects of her new work. Yekhimovskaya as a teacher and governess is accustomed to handling children and she knows exactly what she wants to do. "It is a sign of degeneration" she cried out passionately, "when people of the old school want to use the children's colonies in the first place for experiments with education by visits to museums, art galleries, etc. It is all wrong. There must be first a rational feeding and a rational physical development, with outdoor life, work, play, excursions in the woods, etc. Later on, the pencil and the paper will have their turn, together with the spiritual and intellectual work of education." My Journey Through Siberia A Letter to a Bourgeois By Count Xaver Schaffgotsch Translated, by permission, from the New Yorker Volkszeitung The Siberian railroad is the backbone of the country; anyone who holds the road is the master of the country. So much everyone knows about the Siberian railroad. People also know that Kolchak controls the road. Therefore they say: Kolchak must be master of the country. So the bourgeois in all countries may be overjoyed. He is right. My dear bourgeois: Why don't you take a trip, equipped with a letter of introduction or a passport of the "All-Russian Government," with Admiral Kolchak's own sublime signature?-through this Siberian country, with the purpose, for instance, of learning to know the people of the country? You need not even travel far. Just a comfortable little jaunt. A few versts off the railroad to the north or to the south, whichever you prefer. only forty versts. Let us say Oh, you will not be disappointed. You or anyone else who makes common cause with Kolchak. You interpose: "Beaten by the Reds?" But you are in good standing with the high authorities. Perhaps you are providing tea or sugar for one of the many generals with their dignified gold epaulettes. Only a few wagon-loads perhaps, at a somewhat lower rate, so that he may sell it to the famished people at a higher rate. He will send to protect you a squadron of Cossacks, or a company of "self-determined" adherents, former war-captive slaves, Italians, or Roumanians, armed with machine-guns, hand grenades, with cannon and gas bombs. This will be a better way for you to travel. And you will be able to witness a battle, no, real slaughter, a genuine slaughter of human beings. Whether you come out a alive or not, that is another matter. Rotten, these "bands," eh? But then, what is the use of coming into contact with the vulgar people? Why should you not just remain sitting quietly in the train? For people like you, with your connections, there are always accommodations in the so-called express trains. Only the very best society is on the train, from the general and minister up to the speculator. You will have a good view of everything. In fact, they take this into consideration; they proceed slowly, advancing only by day. And through the most romantic districts. In fact the railroad is romantic almost all along its course. Uncannily romantic. Tomsk, Taiga, Kharinsk. Do you see the ruined remains of derailed trains that are lying to the right and left of the tracks. Do you see the hanged men dangling from their gallows? They have been hanging thus for days. Do not ask any questions. Certainly do not ask the railroad workers, whose glances are full of hatred. They will spit out before you. We arrive at Atchinsk; we arrive at Krasnoyarsk. Be quiet and say not a word! Do not say a word without thinking it over carefully, I beg of you. You might have very unpleasant experiences. Not from the Reds. Those of them who were railroad workers will never say another word; they are mute for ever. But don't forget that the whole railroad is now under a state of siege. You see it would be altogether too unpleasant if you should be suspected of any sympathy with the hungry women and children of these "criminals," the women and children that have been left behind. Don't ask any questions. Just look. And look with care! Take your coffee while sitting at the window! Provide yourself with a bullet proof covering, as all your travelling companions are doing, since they see the convoy troops providing themselves with the same device. For the armored train which rides ahead of us is of no avail against the mysterious bullets which come whizzing out of the little grove which is situated right near us. Look here, we are stopping; the tracks are not passable. The rails have been torn out! The Reds! Revenge! A few dozen shells are sent into the nearby villages. These homes and hiding places of the mysterious, evasive, hard-tofight red organizations must be burned down. They cannot all be hanged! Whole villages would have to be strung up. But they also have weapons, even machine-guns and bombs. And leaders too, damn fine leaders! Thus it was at Reyache, Naryetchinskaya, at Vengerka. Now even that will not suffice. The Red front is now advancing close up to the railroad; in the north it has approached from 100 to 12 versts from the railroad, extending along hundreds of versts, a great red domain of insurrection. Insurrection by the railroad workers, the workingmen, the peasants. The great army of great Russia's revolution. You can have various combinations here; you can have a simple derailment, or a collision arranged by the revolutionary railroad workers, or you can have a derailment combined with an attack by Red peasants and Cossacks. Now we are in the open country, arriving at a station. Here we have regular local combats, in which the stations are often captured by the Reds and destroyed; the railroad troops, in spite of the armored trains and the artillery, are often driven back, and often deserted to the Reds. The "snap courts" along the railroad have their hands full. Formerly they shot or hanged everyone who was at all suspicious. Now everyone who gets shot or hanged is suspicious. But often they lose their patience, and have not time for these hasty trials. The troop guards of the railroads can do this much more simply and on a much larger scale, without any courts at all, for they do not understand the "criminal," and he understands them still less, for they are all foreigners. But be on your guard! Be on your guard! These field courts operate rapidly, and without them the operations are still more rapid. But the Reds act quickly too, perhaps even more quickly. Daily the offended "All-Russian Government" dispenses justice and restores order by sending out its punitive expeditions and daily more "criminals" are executed. But they execute their judges also, by the command of their comrades. Every Red who is executed, means that ten or one hundred of his executioners will die for him. And this judgment, pronounced by those who have been judged, is becoming more inexorable every day. Be careful; you might yourself be judged and executed, together with all who dare oppose or judge the people. The people, what do you mean, the people? Kolchak holds the country. Does not that mean that he also holds the people? Yes, but then perhaps he does not hold the country either, since, after all, he does not appear to hold the people. Perhaps you and the Russian burzhuy may be wrong after all! Perhaps you have laughed too soon! Ask the Russian burzhuy whether he cares to laugh now. But what is the use of telling you all this? You won't believe it anyway. You won't want to believe it. To believe it, you will have to be able to convince yourself of the truth. You will have to learn to know the people. And you might get shot dead while doing so. For that you would need courage. And courage you have not got, and you don't want to expose yourself to ridicule. So your reasoning very simply is as follows: So you need not make the acquaintance of the population, or of the truth, and you need not have any courage. But there is another set of propositions, even more simple: The people do not need you nor your ilk. BELATED NEWS FROM JAPANESE NEWSPAPERS A Japanese at Moscow Communist Congress The following note from a Japanese newspaper adds an interesting personal note to data previously received concerning the Communist Congress held at Moscow: Tokyo Jiji (daily) prints a news item dated May 2nd, Vladivostok, to the effect, that Mr. Kenyei Tomizu, a nephew of Kozni Otani, the living Buddha of the Honganji organization, a strong Buddhist sect in Japan, has represented Japan at the Moscow Communist Congress. Tomizu went to Petrograd before the war to study the Russian language, stayed all through the revolutions and married a beautiful young Russian lady called Angelina, aged 22, who is an accomplished musician. May 22nd, American troops fought with Bolsheviki at Sikotowa; the railroad in the vicinity of Sikotowa is under the control of the American Army. The Bolsheviki attempted to hold up the food and ammunition trains. Three Americans were hurt in the battle. It was the first battle between Bolsheviki and American troops in this locality. Veering from Kolchak to Denikin Now that Kolchak appears to be a worse and worse horse to bet on, the reactionary forces have already suggested, and this suggestion has found an echo in certain New York newspapers, that Kolchak should not receive recognition from the Allies, but that this recognition should instead be given to Denikin. The basis for this suggestion is stated as being the superior efficiency and performance in the counter-revolutionary field, of Denikin, as compared with Kolchak. While we have reason to believe that those who hope that Denikin will restore monarchy in Russia -Denikin by the way states this intention quite openly, while Kolchak still has the "decency" to veil his monarchistic ambitions-will be found to be just as much in error as those who placed their hopes in Kolchak, we think it will interest American readers to learn what is the nature of the hopes which the reactionary forces in Allied countries attach to Denikin. It is now an old story, but we communicate below the following news article taken bodily from Vorwaerts, Berlin, December 6, 1918: "The newspaper 'Neue Nachrichten,' which is published at Berdyansk on the Sea of Azoff, for the German troops stationed there, publishes the following appeal from the Allies, encouraging an invasion of Russia: "We herewith bring to the attention of the inhabitants of Odessa and the vicinity that we have arrived on Russian territory, with the purpose of restoring order, as well as securing a liberation from Bolshevist usurpers, for which reason the reports issued by the provocative Bolsheviki, to the effect that the Allied armies had come to Southern Russia in order to drive out the Germans, are entirely untrue. "The Germans, like us, did not come here as conquerors, but as defenders of the right, and therefore their aims and ours coincide at this point. "The reports of imminent conflicts are untrue, and are circulated with the object of producing a panic. "All the unhealthy elements in Russia-the Bolsheviki and their adherents-are declared to be outside the law. Persons sheltering Bolsheviki are to be handed over to immediate courtmartial. "We recognize only such organizations as are fighting against the Bolsheviki: the volunteer and Cossack armies, as well as the Army of the Constituent Assembly; in view of which, all organizations who are in possession of fire-arms are instructed to hand over the latter to the representatives of the international armies appointed for this purpose." "Signed by the following names: For England, Sir Nevil, 66 France, Hours, Japan, Gajani, Russia, Shilinski, Italy, Saniti, Belgium, D'Reimann, " Serbia, Silitsch, Greece, Kargit, 66 Roumania, Grinesku. "The effects of this terrible manifesto are depicted in a telegram from Tsarskoye-Selo, which says among other things: "Bloody conflicts are taking place in the South. Hundreds of workers have been hanged. The streets present the spectacle of many workers' bodies hanging in the air. The city commandant at Krassnoff publishes a telegram from Denikin which orders that every tenth worker who is taken captive be hanged. In other centers mass hangings are taking place." RUSSIAN WORKERS AND PEASANTS SUPPORT THE SOVIET POWER Moscow, May 21. (Russian Telegraph Agency.) It is reported from Simbirsk that the chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, Kalinin, who is traveling with the educational train that goes under the name "October Revolution," arranged no less than thirty meetings at seven different places, which were attended by over 60,000 persons. Although much literature was given out gratis, it was possible to sell 79,000 roubles' worth. Kalinin stopped at seven rural communes, in addition to the cities, and was enthusiastically received by the peasants. At these meetings, the local speakers emphasized in their speeches the fact that Kalinin is a worker and a peasant. At the station of Russayevska, there was a meeting of railroad workers, attended by several thousand persons, who hailed Kalinin and vowed to support the Red front with all their power, as well as the hungry people behind the front. Several hundred children greeted Kalinin by singing the International. JAPANESE STRENGTH IN SIBERIA The "Vestnik Manchurii" published in Harbin, (Siberia), in its issue of June 21, 1919, reports "from official sources" that the Japanese Expeditionary forces in Siberia numbered 85,500 men. THE Japanese Benevolence in Siberia HE resistance of the Bolsheviki in Eastern Siberia has by far not been broken by the Japanese invasion, as appears from the following address delivered by the chief of the 3rd Japanese Division to the Convention of the Trans-Braikal Cossacks on June 5, 1919, and reproduced in part from the "Ussuriysky Kray" of Nikolsk, of June 19, 1919. "Gentlemen:-I am fortunate to get the opportunity, through your convention, to meet you here and to bear witness face to face with you to the true aims and purposes of the Imperial Japanese troops within the confines of Russia. "In September last, when I arrived here, I officially announced to the Russian population that the Japanese troops are friends of the Russian people, that they are unselfishly fighting against Bolshevism, for the triumph of law, order, and justice, without interfering in the internal life of the country, and without any territorial designs. But a part of the population took this announcement with noticable suspicion and distrust of the sincere and unselfish policy of the Japanese government. "It is true, all the age-long history of nations exhibits no such example of unselfish service to the ideals of truth and justice, but let this be the first good example on the part of your eastern friend Japan. "Let the presence of Japanese troops in Eastern Siberia during the winter, and their loyal behavior toward the Russian population, testify to our sincere policy with regard to Russia. "I shall not dilate here on the absence of territorial designs on our part, but, availing myself of the opportunity to appear before your esteemed assembly of the Trans-Baikal Cossacks,-I, as Commander-in-Chief of the Japanese troops within the territory of the Trans-Baikal region, again assure you of the unselfishness of the Imperial Japanese government's policy toward Russia and of its firm determination to save the Trans-Baikal region where occasional conflicts still occur. "Gentlemen, you surely know that the Semionov troops, and I include among them the volunteers from the Cossack settlements-taking upon themselves mainly the duty to maintain peace and order in the region and fighting against Bolshevism, have not particularly hindered the Japanese troops. We are aiding the Semionov troops and have undertaken to guard the railway while the forces of Ataniav (the Cossack chief) and Semionov are improving from day to day. "Thus the Semionov forces and the Japanese have at their disposal a large and strong army to maintain order in the region, and I do not believe that the Bolsheviki have any prospects of success. "In view of this there was no intention to undertake extensive operations during the winter season, and the superfluous portion of the Japanese troops has returned home. Furthermore, new recruits who had received preliminary training were sent here and have replaced the veterans. Thus partial transfers of our army took place and there was no case where the Bolsheviki could have been benefited by orders of the Japanese command. Nevertheless, the Bolsheviki, taking advantage of the above mentioned transfer of our army, circulated rumors that the numbers of our troops had been reduced, and then by means of false promises and threats, which are tactically impossible of execution, the Bolsheviki have incited to a rebellion which resulted, in clashes with the Semionov troops, in numerous casualties, and the blood of Russians who are dear to us was shed for a hopeless cause. "Though a division of the people into several political parties be inevitable, there is no greater madness than the use of armed force to attain the realization of a political object, and the Bolsheviki themselves, if they knew the general situation and the strength of the army, will hardly, I believe, sacrifice their lives, acting so independently. I regret that they are going to their death in vain, being aroused by ignorance of the situation. It seems to me that if the people in the Cossack settlements and in the villages are informed how strong the Russian and Japanese troops are, these reckless rebellions will surely cease, and we shall be able to save the population from useless sacrifices. I have, therefore, always tried to find the best means to bring home this idea to the whole population. "I reiterate once more, availing myself of the opportunity of your esteemed convention,-gentlemen, take my advice. Use all possible means and spread throughout the settlements the idea of the uselessness of a Bolshevist rebellion; then insane sacrifices will be avoided. To the extent to which your lives will be saved, to that extent you will see the good will of Japan toward Russia. The Japanese people and troops will always act in accord with moral duty. The Japanese troops now in Siberia will pray and desire to establish order in Russia and to renew the welfare and happiness of her people, avoiding useless trouble and sacrifice." THE IN SIBERIA Execution of Hostages at Krasnoyarsk. HE "Yeunissei Bulletin" reports: On the 14th inst., in retaliation for the brutal murder of two medical attendants of the 1st Tomsk Hussar regiment the following criminals held in jail among other hostages were executed: Grygori Pekazh, Alexander Bliashko, Sergei Tamaroff, Iakov Portuykh, Dmytri Tretiakov, Mikhael Afanassieff and Kondraty Tkachenko. "Nashe Dielo" of Irkutsk, June 22, 1919. General Denikin's Program of Land Reform TRUGGLING RUSSIA," the organ of the Rus "STRUGG sian Information Bureau of the Embassy of the non-existing Russian Government, in its issue of July 19th, publishes a letter of General Denikin on the land question, which reads in part as follows: "The complete solution of the agrarian question all over Russia and the adoption of a uniform Land Law for the entire vast domain of Russia, belong to the legislative organs, through the medium of which the Russian people will acquire the opportunity to state their will. "Life, however, does not stand still. It is necessary to save the country from the pangs of hunger and to adopt immediate measures and to put them into practice at once. The Special Conference is, therefore, charged with the duty of undertaking without delay the drafting of rules and regulations for the localities under the administration of the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Southern Russia. "I deem it necessary to point out the following premises which are to be laid at the foundation of these rules and regulations: "1. The safeguarding of the interests of the toilin population. "2. The creating and the placing on a sound basis of small and medium homesteads out of the lands belonging to the State and private owners. "3. The preservation of the right of landowners to their lands, coupled, however, with the apportionment in each district of the amount of land that is to be retained by the former owner and the order of the transfer of the remainder into the ownership of those who are land-poor. These transfers may be achieved by voluntary agreement, or by obligatory alienation for compensation. The new owners are to acquire inalienable rights to their allot ments. "5. Intensive aid to be given to tillers of the soil, through technical improvement of the lands, expert agricultural assistance, the supply of implements, seeds, dead and live inventory, etc." This agrarian program is identical with the land reform of the late Stolypin. As a general principle, the large landowners are to be restored to the possession of their lands taken from them by the peasantry after the Revolution of November 7, 1917. At the same time a portion of their land is to be transferred by them, by voluntary agreement, to those peasants who are "land poor." In case no agreement can be reached, a portion of their land is to be taken from them, under condemnation proceedings, of course for "compensation." What that compensation is to be remains an open question, likewise the question of who is to be considered "land poor." The peasants to whom the land will thus be allotted are to be vested with full property rights to their allotments. It will be remembered that the Constitutional Convention declared the land to be national property. It is therefore evident that General Denikin's land program is not in accord with the policy of the Constitutional Convention whose prerogatives he is supposed to champion. Instead of giving the land to the peasants he promises them "intensive aid through technical improvements of the lands, expert agricultural assistance, the supply of implements, seeds, ..." This is again the old policy of the Czar's government. When the peasants cried for more land, the solution suggested by the Government experts was intensive cultivation of such land as was held by the peasantry. Those well-wishers of the peasantry would somehow overlook the fact that intensive cultivation of small areas required large investment of capital far beyond the reach of the masses of the peasantry. General Denikin's program is thus by no means new. It is worthy of note that in 1906, before the dissolution of the first Duma, the Czar, through Count Ignatyev, offered to Professor Milyukov, as the leader of the Constitutional Democratic Party, a broader scheme of land reform than that proposed now by General Denikin. All the land held by the nobility and other large landowners was to be apportioned among the peasantry, on condition that the former owners should be compensated at the "bank valuation" of the land. It must be borne in mind that most of the land of the nobles was mortgaged to the Nobles' Bank. The Constitutional Democratic Party, which was at that time in control of the Duma, refused this offer, insisting on a “fair valuation" of the land. Now, after the peasantry has taken possession of the land without compensation, General Denikin and his supporters propose to take away all but a portion of it from the peasants, and to make them pay for that portion which they are to be allowed to retain. This seems to be a very large job, even if General Denikin should be successful. According to latest advices, however, he has "again been forced to retreat." MAXIM GORKY'S SON SHOT A private telegram from Berne to "Folkets Dagblad Politiken" states that Maxim Gorky's son, according to the Riga newspaper, "Word" has been shot at Bordeaux. His name was Pyeshkov. |