ever! Oh! prepare mercy and truth, which may preserve him.' Such was the remarkable prayer of the condemned traitor on his way to the block. "Having ascended the scaffold, he walked across it twrice or thrice. He was dressed in a tabard or robe of red damask, over which was thrown a short black mantle, embroidered in gold. He had a black silk hat, with black and white plumes on his head, and held a handkerchief in his hand. As he strode to and fro, he expressed a bitter regret that he had not been permitted to die, sword in hand, fighting for his country and his king. Sanguine to the last, he passionately asked Romero whether the sentence was really irrevocable, whether a pardon was not even then to be granted. The marshal shrugged his shoulders, murmuring a negative reply. Upon this, Egmont gnashed his teeth together, rather in rage than in despair. Shortly afterward commanding himself again, he threw aside his robe and mantle, and took the badge of the Golden Fleece from his neck. Kneeling then upon one of the cushions, he said the Lord's prayer aloud, and requested the bishop, who knelt by his side, to repeat it thrice. After this the prelate gave him the silver crucifix to kiss, and then pronounced his blessing upon him. This done, the Count rose again to his feet, laid aside his hat and handkerchief, knelt again upon the cushion, drew a little cap over his eyes, and folding his hands together, cried in a loud voice, Lord, into thy hands I commit my spirit!' The executioner then suddenly appeared, and severed his head from his shoulders at a single blow." While we give to the style of these volumes high praise, we do not consider it faultless. It would, in a work so extended, be an easy but invidious task to point out some verbal inaccuracies. The author sometimes departs from the severe simplicity of the strict historic style. For example, it must be acknowledged that, in the extract above quoted, the figure of "rousing the stones of the pavement to mutiny, or softening them to pity" is rather too extravagant for the calm dignity of the philosophic historian. He sometimes forgets that he is addressing posterity, and that it is his duty to relate facts, without becoming an advocate or denouncer of particular men, or particular systems of religion or government. Though giving, in the main, an impartial and perspicuous narrative of events in the Netherlands, he occasionally breaks out into a strain of fierce denunciation, with redundance of epithets and turgidness of diction. It is, doubtless, natural that the contemplation of revolting crimes should excite a feeling of indignation, but a question here arises, whether the historian can become the apologist or advocate of men or systems, and still preserve his character of impartiality. And, if this question be decided in the affirmative, the farther question arises, "How may the writer best accomplish this object?" Is it by delivering a "plain, unvarnished tale," or by a direct appeal to the passions of his readers? The powerful but silent eloquence of facts is too much overlooked, and we think that Mr. Motley has erred, though naturally and excusably, in breaking forth, from time to time in impassioned appeals, such as the following: "The history of Alva's administration in the Netherlands is one of those pictures which strike us almost dumb with wonder. Why has the Almighty suffered such crimes to be perpetrated in His sacred name? Was it necessary that many generations should wade through this blood in order to acquire for their descendants the blessings of civil and religious freedom? Was it necessary that an Alva should ravage a peaceful nation with sword and flame, that desolation should be spread over a happy land, in order that the pure and heroic character of William of Orange should stand forth the more conspicuously, like an antique statue of spotless marble against a stormy sky." In conclusion, we observe that this work has not received that notice and commendation at the hands of American literary men which it justly deserves. The author has entered upon and pursued with eminent success, the path opened by Prescott and Washington Ir SELECTIONS AND EXCERPTS FROM THE LEE PAPERS. The war of the Revolution found our entire country but illy prepared to meet its exigencies, in all except the character of her people and their determined spirit of resistance; but Virginia in particular, from the nature of her coasts and her internal condition, seemed almost to invite invasion. The Chesapeake lay open to the naval force of the mistress of the seas: the mouths and shores of our principal rivers were unfortified, and several of these were navigable far into the interior. We were without a regular army or navy; the militia of our eastern counties, though not without the other virtues of the soldier, were but imperfectly disciplined, and the draughts from these were at first either insufficient or for too limited terms of service. Our back-woods-men of the West had been more enured to arms, whether as hunters and soldiers, but from the character of the enemy on their borders, both their weapons and tactics were somewhat peculiar. The battle of Point Pleasant, in '74, had for the time broken the power of the neighbouring Indians; but of this our people were then not so fully apprised, and not knowing but their presence might be required nearer home, they were at first somewhat reluctant to come in any great numbers to the aid of their eastern brethren, though they afterwards rendered most efficient service. The quantity of arms and munitions of war, originally limited, had been farther reduced by consumption or use; and our mineral resources, from which farther supplies might be created, were either unknown or undeveloped. Manufactories-except of the plainest house-hold kind-had never flourished in Virginia; and the suspension of regular commerce, which rendered both exports and imports precarious, not only caused the burden of taxation to press heavily on the people, but well nigh deprived them of certain prime necessaries of life; and the privation was the more severe in that the general observance, for years previous, of the Resolves of the "Association" for the non-consumption of British manufactures, had reduced the supplies to a minimum. Other causes concurred to aggravate the evil. The greater part of our commerce was in the hands of Scottish merchants, and most of these were unfriendly to the cause; or where otherwise, being factors, had no alternative but to obey the instructions of their principals who resided abroad. The holders of coin often hoarded their treasures; and paper emissions, which rapidly depreciated, being used for the payment of previous debts, materially affected the fortunes of private individuals. The number of traitors and disaffected was inconsiderable when compared with those of other of the States, but there were enough of these in particular localities to exert an unhappy influence on the neighbouring people, imposing on them at times by false or exaggerated rumours, for which the imperfect facilities of intercourse afforded but a tardy corrective. Our slaves were also liable to be tampered with and seduced, under the promise of freedom, or forcibly abducted and made to serve the purposes of the enemy. The old Government having ceased, a new one must be established, based on Republican principles and adapted to our peculiar circumstances. As this was a work of time and deliberation, its Executive powers in the interval was entrusted to a Committee of Safety; and it was reserved for Virginia at length to present to the world the first example of a written Constitution of Republican Government. The cotemporaneous volumes of our laws will show, in some degree, the prompt and energetic measures taken to supply the various wants we have enumerated, and to meet the several exigencies as they arose; and History has given her narrative of the principle events in their order. The extracts which follow may either present some of those events in a new or more familiar light, or furnish details unnoticed by the historian. The originals, from which they are taken, often contain other matter of general interest,remarks on the character and conduct of individuals, public and private,-reflections on passing events,-anticipations for the future, whether of hope or fear,-with suggestions of what might be politic or expedient at the particular juncture;-but it has been thought best to limit them to such as either specially relate to Virginia, or may farther *Hening IX and X. illustrate this era of her history. The names of the writers-being those of so many of our ancient worthies-may farther recommend their views to the reader. It is proper occasionally to review these scenes, as well to contrast the present with the then condition of our country, and thereby to obtain a clearer conception of the much for which we have to be grateful, as to show what may be done, under circumstances the most unfavourable, by a people determined, to be freed from foreign domination. EXCERPTS FROM THE LETTERS OF EDMUND PENDLETON TO R. H. LEE. Oct. 28th, 1775. We are much concerned to hear there are traitors in Philadelphia, "but alas, they are the product of every clime." Virginia has its Matt. Phripps, who we are just informed is gone on board the William. You know the sacred trust reposed in him. Our importation of Grain* is about 4000 lbs., which is safely stored. TO THE VA. DELEGATION IN CONGRESS. Nov. 11th, 1775. The Committee of Safety have received and considered your favour of October 31st, and can easily foresee the necessity of arms and ammunition being sought for during this winter, and the propriety of relaxing so much of the Association as might interfere with the prosecution of that business; we also wish you to consider whether the importation of Salt might not be included in that regulation, as we are informed from all parts that the clamours of the people begin to be high on account of that Article, and we greatly fear the consequences if some method cannot be fallen on to supply their wants. We are sorry to say we have nothing promising from Mr. Tate, and are told that Lord Dunmore has already collected a large quantity, and is embracing every opportunity, by seizing what comes in his way, of increasing his store; we doubt not with an intention to try the virtue of our people, when the want of that necessary article becomes more sensible among them. Tho' we see the utility of the measure adopted by the Congress for the importation of these necessaries, we at the same time cannot avoid contemplating the dan ger and almost insuperable difficulties, which in our opinion will attend the carrying it into execution here, in our defenceless state, without a single armed vessel to give the exports and imports even the shadow of protection. We sympathize with you in the disagreeable feelings you must sustain on the disgraceful patience and suffering of some of our people, which tho' confined to a very few will be charged to the Colony. The only apology for them is, the exposed situation of their families and property, the want of arms and ammunition, and their intermixture with Tories, who instead of assisting were ready every moment to betray them. We could not protect them. We had men enough, but were left to ransack every corner of the country for arms, tents and other necessaries. The few we collected were unavoidably retained here for the protection of our magazine, Treasury and Records. Both regiments are now literally armed, and our troops are marching to Norfolk. Let us have credit for driving them off at Hampton, and for having ever since prevented their coming near the shore, there, and up the river, as high as James Town, tho' they attempted to frighten us, with abortive discharges of their cannon. P. S. Since writing the above the Treasurer informs us, that Mr. Tate has his Pans fixed, and says he can make 150 Bushels a week. TO R. H. LEE. 1776, Ap'l 20th. I feel the propriety and necessity of adopting some such mode as you propose, for constructing salt works at the Public Expense. have generally thought necessary articles. *(?) Powder. I would be most probably produced to the Society, by giving bounties for encouraging private adventurers; but having tried this without effect, it will be prudent to risque even a loss of Public money to secure an Article without which our people will break thro' all restraint: we shall be glad to receive the approved method of making it, as we have suffered in other cases by setting out wrong. My relation, Mr. John Taylor, who accompanied me to Philadelphia, has somehow got disappointed in his wishes to get into the Army; I am told two places are still vacant, in the gift of Congress, that of Muster Master, by the resignation of Mr. Randolph, and that of Judge Advocate, in which we have heard of no appointment, either of which Mr. Taylor would accept, tho' greatly prefer the forI can answer for his fidelity in any thing, and if you are disengaged, your vote and interest in his favour will much oblige him and me. mer. 1776, December 28th. If the House of Bourbon mean to join us at all, I think it will be soon, lest the progress of the Enemy should make our connexion less valuable by the destruction of our commercial Cities. A supply of woollens will be very agrecable intelligence, as a dread of want in that Article seems to impede our enlistments, which however, I hear, go on tolerably. You will have heard that besides our 18 Battalions, we have empowered the Governor and Council to raise any number they can and which they may think necessary. 1777, February 8th. It seems, we have 7 men-of-war in our bay, who have been hitherto tolerably civil; a vessel loaded with blankets luckily escaped them and is got up York River. March 9th, 1777. I have omitted paying my respects to you for two past Posts, concluding from my last you were in Va., but have heard you remain at Baltimore. I observe by the last papers Col. Woodford is at last promoted, and felt concern at seeing him behind Muhlenburg and Weedon. Mercer and Stevens had originally a right to command him, and it was owing to some untoward circumstances, contrary to his endeavors, that he was put over them, and therefore it was just they should be put in their proper places: tho' it must hurt the delicacy of a good Officer to have a man under him to day command him to-morrow. But these gentlemen, however worthy I think them, had no such claim, and I am persuaded, would have been happy in ranking under him. What he will determine to do I know not, but as I think him a valuable Officer, I wish, for the common good, he may waive all these considerations, and return into the Service. I hear our Continental Troops begin to collect fast in companies, and I hope will soon be on their march to relieve the General, who seems to be yet in rather a dangerous situation. May 11th, 1777, Caroline. The last division of 2200 North Carolina troops passed thro' this County yesterday; they are healthy and spirited, and their decent, orderly behaviour does honour to their Officers. They are to take the Small Pox, which will retard their arrival, but will be a respectable reinforcement, I fear not in time to be before Howe's accession of new troops. One of our vessels has slipped in with 2000 stand of arms, and a small vessel in which Bannister is interested has carried a Rum Prize into N. Carolina. 1777, May 17th. Your having plenty of stores of all kinds and Ammunition, is very agreeable, as I was alarmed, as well as surprized when Congress, some time ago, Resolved upon borrowing or buying arms from the Militia, and assess ing the different States their proportion of blankets. I am sure few could have been got here, since besides having |