were

not

Not all the men, however, have been hit. About twenty touched. They fell down pell-mell among those who had been shot. Others were only wounded. One received a bullet in his head, another was hit by five bullets, another had his thigh perforated. All remain motionless in a pool of blood which gradually congeals, lying side by side with the corpses of their friends, now become cold and stiff in death. Not a cry, not a murmur, not a breath rises from this human heap. Agony and the will to live glue them to the pavement. Fear itself prevents their teeth from chattering. They feign death and await the darkness of the night. There is silence for a long, long time. Then a head lifts from among the dead in the shadow. Enemies are no longer to be seen near the prison. In a low voice, in a whisper, the owner speaks and says in Walloon : Can you see any one over St. Nicolas way? A man lying on his back opens his eyes and answers: "No, nobody." "Let us go into the house opposite," says young G. It is 8 o'clock and quite dark. The survivors, silently, with beating hearts, revived by hope, rise up, cross the street with a run, plunge into a house, climb through the gardens, the unhurt dragging and supporting the wounded, and hide in the mountain. They are covered with dark blood which is not their own. They rub themselves with leaves and grass. For several days and nights they live on carrots and beets and other roots. The wounded are untended. Their comrades tear up their shirts for bandages. They suffer terribly from thirst.

That tragic Sunday, Aug. 23, saw other massacres. In the prison civilians were shut up, men and women together. At 6 o'clock in the evening a big gun started shooting from the upper part of the mountain, and dropped a rain of bullets on the prisoners, who were in the courtyard. A woman fell pierced through the body. Three other people perished at her side. Soldiers ran up to kill them. In order to save himself Dr. D. smeared his face with the blood of the victims and pretended to be dead.

The butchery had been organized at various points in the town. Inhabitants who had taken refuge in cellars and were discovered were shot at once. At Leffe, at about 5 o'clock in the evening, the soldiers forced M. Himmer, the Argentine Consul, Director of the Oudin Works, a

Frenchman, and fifty workmen, women and children to come out of the cellars of the weaving factory, where they had fled. Four times did they set fire to the establishment. M. Himmer came out

first with a white flag. "I am Consul for Argentina," he said to the officer, "and I appeal to that country." What was that to the assassins? They were all shot. The officer said: "It would have been too much luck to spare you when your fellow-citizens were dead." The toll of the dead at Leffe is horrible. One hundred and forty civilians were shot. There are only seven sound men left.

In the garden next to that of M. Servais, ex-Secretary of the Commune, also shot, rest eighty of the inhabitants of Dinant. In the cemetery of the Faubourg de Leffe others lie buried. Others again to the right of the road, in a garden near the Catholic school, at the entrance to the Fonds de Leffe. And here it was the inhabitants shut up in the Couvent des Prémontrés who dug the grave. M. M. told me, shaking with indignant feeling: 'They made us dig the grave, like martyrs, saying to us, That's for you this evening.' They made us bury our massacred fellow-citizens. I saw seventeen bodies thrown into that enormous hole, and then the contents of three carts, each carrying fifteen murdered corpses. They were tossed in like bundles, without being identified."

Toward 6:30 the German savages passed along the Rue St. Roch. Against the house of M. B. a group of civilians was shot. Then the soldiers threw the bodies into the cellar, which has been walled up. Forty victims are in that charnel house. In the Rue En Ile a paralytic was shot in his chair. In the Rue d'Enfer a young fellow of 14 was killed by a soldier. He had with him a little child whom a soldier tossed into the burning house of M. François G.

At Neffe, a southern suburb of Dinant, armed bandits sacked, pillaged, and stole, with fire and slaughter. Under the railway viaduct they shot men, women, and children. An old woman and all her children were killed in a cellar. A man,

his wife, and son and daughter were put against a wall and killed. An old man of 65, his wife, his son-in-law, and the young wife were shot. Down at the river bank there was further butchery. Inhabitants of Neffe who had gone by boat to the Rocher Bayard suffered the same horrible fate. Among them Mme. Collard, aged 83, and her husband, and many women and children. Ninety-eight civilians were buried in M. B.'s garden, according to the accounts of the German soldiers themselves. And while this awful carnage was deluging the town with blood, the German soldiers gave demonstrations of their cowardice. For

instance, this in the Faubourg St. Paul. Mme. L. P. relates: "Soldiers came into my house. They struck me with their fists in the chest, smashed everything in the house, then, with a revolver pointed at me, dragged me out of doors. Other women were there under the threats of these brutes. They pushed us before them to the parapet at the waterside, exposing us to the French fire, while the coward Prussians stooped and fired, shelbehind tering themselves women.' It was there that Mlle. Madeleine Massigny was killed.

I have heard of four cases of violation, a young woman who died after the abuses of fifteen horrid bandits. I have also had an account of a young mother who was confronted with a choice between the strangling of her little girl and her own dishonor. It will be readily understood that names cannot be given, and that the population keeps religious silence with regard to these cases.

Dr. A. L. took refuge with his wife and a baby of a few months in a sewer. They had no food but a little sugar, and nothing to drink but the filthy water flowing by. To feed the child they had to damp the sugar with this noxious liquid. The horrible situation lasted two days.

The "Kultur "'-bearers have refinements of cruelty. In the barracks at Leffe 300 civilian prisoners were placed in line along the wall with their arms up. Behind them a pastor recited the prayers for the dead, while an officer worked an unloaded gun! This torture was kept up for a quarter of an hour. It seemed a century long. In the Eglise St. Paul prisoners were kept for five days. In the Eglise des Prémontrés an officer of the 108th Infantry came to demand a candle.

He

was given a taper. He refused it, and the sacred lamp was taken down. He was satisfied, and marched all around the as

sembly, jeering, and holding his revolver at the faces of the women. He carried his trophy away with a roar of laughter. Pillage and fire continued on the Monday and Tuesday. The soldiers drank as much wine as they could steal. They wallowed in murder and blood, celebrating their triumph glass in hand. Drunken officers sat down with their men. They obliged the inhabitants who had survived to be present at their orgies on pain of death. On Monday the soldiers, just to amuse themselves, killed three old men of 80. On Tuesday, at 5:30 in the morning, soldiers scattered through the town, shouting and setting fire to the houses on the Quai de Meuse and in the Rue du Moulin des Batteurs.

From the Monday processions had been formed. Surrounded by soldiers, who struck the French monks in the face with horsewhips. the prisoners were taken away toward Prussia, some by Ciney, others by Marche. About 400 went. How many will return? And what must have been the sufferings of those innocent victims on the long routes, who had not been able to dress themselves suitably or get their boots, who had been torn from their wives and children, leaving behind them that nightmare of bloodshed and ruin. One had only stockings on his feet. Many were in sabots. Already the dead were strewn along the roads. On the left of the Ciney road, on the Tienne d'Aurcy, lie buried four old men who were found with their hands bound, unable to go any further, and exhausted by suffering and fatigue. They were MM. Jules Monard, 70; Léon Simon, 65; Couillard, 75, and Bouchat, 73. The farmer of Chesnois was harnessed between the shafts of a cart and forced to drag it up the hill of Sorinnes.

Such is the true and sad story of Dinant. It remains for the world to pass its judgment.

THE

HE main interest of the moment, the main problem, is the mobilization of Russian industry, or, more exactly, of the forces of the nation and of society. By mobilization is understood the measures which change the country from the normal conditions of peace times to a war basis. This includes the filling up of the ranks of the army, the supply of

horses, and the organization of all kinds of munitions of war. The rôle of the people in all these matters has generally been passive. It has only had to meet certain demands, such as requisitions from factories and manufacturing plants, to supply hay, food products and articles required for supplies of other kinds, for the army. But the active rôle has always

been reserved for the military power itself.

When the present war had just begun the forces of society, which had gained experience in the Russo-Japanese war, were given an active participation in the care for the sick and wounded, at first only in the interior of the country, but soon also at the front. Gradually the share of the forces of society in the active work of the war was enlarged. It was frequently given a share in the sanitary organization of the different war sectors; it was called on to share in the provision of uniforms and linen for the troops, in erecting baths, laundries, victualing stations and so on. But all this did not touch the burning need, as the tenth month of the war revealed it-the point at which the evident insufficiency of the forces of the Government showed itself.

Our recent military reverses and the successes of the Austro-Germans have shown that our enemies have a notable superiority in the weight of metal thrown by their guns. To try to develop our fire also to the same irrational number of shells per day and per hour-a number entirely unjustified by the results gained -would, of course, be a stupid and useless imitation. But to improve the quality of our artillery fire, and its accuracy, is indispensable. The prolongation of the war has exhausted our reserves of shells. In like manner our supplies of other kinds of military equipment have been exhausted. No foresight could have anticipated the conditions created by this unprecedented war. The Germans used up their supplies prepared in time of peace long before we did. But they have long had a largely developed production of war munitions, with which they even supplied the armies of foreign countries, and also, from the early weeks of the war, they have had command of all the metallurgical resources of Belgium and a large part of Northern France. It is impossible not to regret that the call for the forces of the nation and of society was not heard earlier in Russia.

But it is not too late. The war may and must last long yet. The vital thing is that the problem of the hour has been

recognized, and that the necessity of mobilizing all forces of the nation to meet it has been seen. The representatives of industry have said the first word. To their voices have immediately been added those of the representatives of our social organizations, the local and municipal councils. The telegraph wires daily bring news that the national mobilization is developing in width and depth, and growing irresistible. The technical forces of all teaching bodies, technical organizations of all kinds, trade organizations and so on, are taking part in it. And if the members of the Imperial Duma, of all parties and factions, await with such eagerness the day of renewal of their legislative activity, this passionate desire is explained, to a notable degree, by the moral necessity of plunging into the general work of the mobilization of all the forces of the nation. To be a member of the Imperial Duma, to feel one's responsibility as a representative, and at the same time to remain in enforced idleness, or to devote one's painful leisure to the work of the Red Cross or to social organizations, was simply torture. There are groups of the Extreme Right of the Imperial Council who do not share this feeling, and who have not taken part in the national life of these momentous days.

And in the region of direct legislative work, the mobilization of industry and of the forces of the whole nation opens up for the Imperial Duma a whole series of important and responsible problems. A work of immense significance is in motion. No ready forms and molds exist. The forms and regulations of the committees already created to supply war munitions and for other purposes must be thoughtfully worked out, their activities must be regulated without delay. And it must not be forgotten that this work requires the co-ordination of the efforts of such different participants as men of science and technical knowledge, social workers and organizers. And with them must cooperate the forces of the working classes, without whom not one step forward can be taken, and which up to the present have not been included in the work of organization.

The members of the Duma, as they have declared in interviews with newspaper correspondents, feel that, in the person of the new War Minister, General A. A. Polivanoff, the fullest co-operation of the Ministry of War with the mobilized forces of society in the task of providing war munitions for the army is guaranteed. The Ministry of the Interior, under the guidance of Prince Stcherbatoff, will also, it may be affirmed, raise no obstacles. Of the problem of the hour, Prince Stcherbatoff says: 66 All the efforts of society and of the Government must be strained toward a single point-to fight and to win." If the Imperial Duma succeeds in finding forms for the vital regu

lation of the work, and if, in addition to the authority of the social organizations, the authority of the Duma also supports the work, then we may look forward with confidence. The army knows that for nearly a year already all the thoughts of the land and of the people are with it. When the army learns that to it, to its military equipment, its martial might, the whole force of the nation is also directed, its force will be increased tenfold. And this the Germans already understand. On the Pruth, on the Dniester, on the Vistula, they are firing hundreds of thousands of shells. They know that to their successes will soon come an irrevocable end.

I

N Turkey, as everywhere, murderers and robbers are brought before an Assize Court or a criminal tribunal and punished in conformity with the law. Authors have based on this the idea that the Turks respect human life and property, and so were not as savage as they were thought to be! But what these writers did not see, what they could not see in a superficial study, in the course of a long or short voyage, was that assassins are punished in Turkey not because human life is respected there, but simply because assassination being the exclusive privilege of the Sultan, the murderers infringe his monopoly.

The Sultans, however, have never failed to exploit this monopoly; Sultan Abdul Hamid accorded assassination permits to his favorites. Who can tell the number of people assassinated in the last few years by two of these favorites, Gani Bey and Fehim Bey, for motives that had nothing to do with politics? They assassinated in order to steal, but, it is reported, they were scrupulous in handing over to their master a part of the booty. When the Committee of Union and

Progress in fact usurped the sovereign power, it naturally profited by one of the most important privileges attached to the person of the Sultan; the right of inflicting death. It is just to the committee to say that it has used and abused this right in a way to make Abdul Hamid, the red Sultan, grow pale! The first act of the Committee of Union and Progress, in assuming power, was in order to get its hand in, to give the order for the assassination of the Christians of the Province of Adana; since then, the assassinations of which the committee had been guilty cannot be counted; it disdained no adversary; the strongest and the weakest, all disappeared as if by magic, in accordance with its wish. After having thoroughly purged Turkey, it sent its emissaries as far afield as Paris, to complete their exploits. One of these last was killed while endeavoring to accomplish his mission; his accomplices were released for lack of proof.

In France people still believe in the Young Turks and the Old Turks. The expressions Old Turk and Young Turk do not even exist in Turkey-any more

than the things themselves, nor is there any equivalent term. What are called in Europe Young Turks are the Turks who are not satisfied with their posts, and who are intriguing against the Old Turks, that is, against those who have more desirable posts.

The state of war, as will easily be believed, has in no way remedied the current evils and has only increased the opportunities for abuses. The Constitution, having proclaimed equality among all the races, it was, or at least it appeared, natural that the Christians should perform military service, for which only Mussulmans had hitherto been liable. * * * Those who do not wish to serve have, it is true, the privilege of being excused on payment of 1,000 francs, ($200.) But every three months a new decree of mobilization is issued, and the payment must be repeated; I know Christians who have paid six or seven times, and are always threatened by a new demand. Some, sick of this and without means, declared that they were willing to serve. In groups of three, they were intrusted to two gendarmes with fixed bayonets, who led them to the high roads, where, under threat of the bayonets, they had to break stones for twelve and fourteen hours a day; the moment they wished to

rest they were abused and threatened; at the end of a week of this existence these poor" soldiers" sold whatever they possessed, their furniture, their wives' jewels, to pay the fine for non-service. They were set free-until the next decree of mobilization. Such is the life of all Christians in Turkey between the ages of 19 and 45. Long live the Committee of Progress! Who would have said that we should come in time to regret Abdul Hamid?

Five years ago I was chatting with an official who had spent twenty years in European countries and occupied a high post in Turkey.

Do you not see, I said to him, that you are on the road to ruin? How can you expect a country to progress when the fools rule the intelligent?

Serbia ?

After a general discussion of the Balkan problem, M. Stojanowich takes up the special question of the relations between Italy and Serbia as future neighbors:

D

URING this war the question of the delimitation of our frontier in the direction of Italy has come to the front. Between Serbia and Italy, precisely as also between Serbia and Rumania, there has never existed, and cannot arise, so far as can be foreseen, any

cause of conflict. If the Serbians, Italians, and Rumanians win their freedom from Austria, and if our expansion absorbs those regions of Austria-Hungary which are inhabited by our co-nationals, this solution cannot bring causes of dissension nor furnish reasons for strained relations in the future. For centuries our boundaries have marched with those of the Rumanians, and history knows of no conflict between these two nations. Our relations of neighborhood with Italy,