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is difficult to see how the notion of a higher civic life can be fostered save through common intercourse; that the blessings which we associate with a life of refinement and cultivation can be made universal and must be made universal if they are to be made permanent; that the good we secure for ourselves is precarious and uncertain, is floating in mid-air, until it is secured for all of us and incorporated into our common life.”

"The schoolhouse itself stands as a pledge that the city recognizes and endeavors to fulfil the duty of educating its children. But what becomes of these children when they are no longer in public schools? Many of them never come under the influence of a professional teacher nor a cultivated friend after they are toilers. Society at large does little for their intellectual development." (MISS ADDAMS.)

Professor H. C. Adams, in introducing the papers "Philanthropy and Social Progress," says:

"Their (the lectures,) chief characteristic is a strongly marked view of democratic sentiment. Not, of course, democracy as a form of government, but as a social ideal, a purpose, a feeling; the democracy of the theorist who asserts for God a common fatherhood, or of the humanist who asserts for man a common brotherhood. Nor can it be said that this policy is pure sentiment; it is at the same time, a social necessity. Specialization in modern life has increased the dependencies of men and classes to such a degree that interdependence is a thing which is felt, rather than an idea to be reasoned about.

This is the explanation of the unusual interest which the last quarter of a century bestows on social and industrial problems. Society is coming to be in fact organic, and the claim of a perfect organism that all parts should find harmony of life in the recognition of a common aim, shows itself in the attitude which large numbers of persons are assuming before the vexed problems of the day.

Mr. Carl Schurz (Critic No. 781): "In this work of lessening the distance between the social classes, there is no agency more deserving of consideration, encouragement and support than the very enterprise in behalf of which we are assembled. The University Settlement is an organized effort directed to the very purpose of bringing the higher culture and the social elements it represents into the most sympathetic contact with the poor. The University Settlement not only studies their needs and partly ministers to them, but it studies their ways of thinking, and acquaints them with the sympathetically corresponding way of thinking of people more favorably situated. It seems to overcome the unwarranted distrust existing between them. It endeavors to moderate and allay the feelings of social antagonisms, not by repressing the education which has sharpened those feelings, but by broadening and elevating that education-not by repelling the new aspirations, but by enlightening and ennobling them. That is a work which our society in its present condition stands peculiarly in need of. Society owes it to itself that this work should be fostered and enlarged to the utmost limits of possibility. The Uni

versity Settlement cannot, therefore, be too warmly commended to the favorable and generous support of all good citizens."

Mr. R. W. Gilder said: "Take, again, this admirable system of the Settlement. London not only preceded us, but has surpassed us in equipment. We make a great deal of talk about tenement-house reform and needed tenements and college settlements; but in comparison with London we have hardly got to work. If the Settlements

did nothing else they would have a scientific value as ingenious instruments for deep-sea dredging in the ocean of humanity. And any one who thinks that they can bring up nothing but slime is pitifully mistaken. Many a rare and exquisite jewel of character; many a transparent and lovely nature; generosities and heroisms that might well put to shame the pale products of clearer waters-such things as these are almost the commonplaces of discovery in the work of the Settlements. If power to resist evil; if cheerfulness under heavy burdens; if purity that stands the strain of temptation of a kind elsewhere unknown; if mutual helpfulness in the sore distress that follows the ravages of fire and of sickness-if these are jewels, indeed it would be worth while, were nothing else accomplished, to be assured once more that they exist in the deep waters of human misery; it would be worth while to find again among the oft forgotten half' nobilities of soul that increase one's belief in, and hope for, the race of man."

4. THE PLACE OF RELIGION in the theory of the

Settlement. It is manifestly impossible to speak for all who have done genuine and valuable work by residence among the poor. Each must speak for himself, and many of these workers have preferred to let their deeds rather than their creeds, tell their motives. Agnostics, skeptics, positivists, secularists, Jews and liberals, have felt the wave of enthusiasm for humanity and devoted themselves in the despair of doubt, or with protest against tradition, as evangelicals in the clear hope of faith, to a com

mon cause.

But we are learning that some kind of faith lives in honest doubt itself, and that those who confess the humanity of Jesus are really looking upon the divinity of the Christ. At any rate the religious motive has certainly been at the heart of the Settlement from the beginning. Employing the deductive method and recalling the exact statement of the organizers and inspirers let us permit them to speak for themselves: "How can creation thrill him with sympathy and inspire him with strength, but as a man of sorrows and acquainted with grief? To most of us Christ is the expression of God, i. e., the eternal fact within and without us. Any attempt to preach a purer religion must go along with attempts at social reform. It

is a good thing that our religion is not bound up with our creeds and institutions-progress would be impossible. But progress will never be organic until the religious spirit breathes through every act and institution." (ARNOLD TOYNBEE, Industrial Revolution, notes, p. 244.)

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Miss Jane Addams: "The impulse to share the lives of the poor, the desire to make social service, irrespective of propaganda, express the spirit of Christ, is as old as Christianity itself. We have no proof from the records themselves that the early Roman Christians, who strained their simple art to the point of grotesqueness in their eagerness to record 'good news' on the walls of the catacombs, considered this 'good news' a religion. Jesus had no set of truths labelled 'Religious.' On the contrary, His doctrine was that all truth is one; that the appropriation of it is freedom. His teaching had no dogma to mark it off from truth and action in general. He himself called it a revelation—a life. These early Roman Christians received the Gospel message, a command to love all men, with a certain joyous simplicity. . . . The Christians looked for the continuous revelation, but believed what Jesus said, that this revelation to be held and made manifest must be put into terms of action; that action is the only medium man has for receiving and appropriating truth. 'If any man will do His will, he shall know of the doctrine.'

"That Christianity has to be revealed and embodied in the line of social progress is a corollary to the simple proposition that man's action is found in his social relationships, in the way in which he connects with his fellows, that his motives for action are the zeal and affection with which he regards his fellows. By this simple process was created a deep enthusiasm for humanity, which regarded man as at once the organ and object of revelation; and

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