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many pagan races displayed a valour so obstinate and CHAP. an enthusiasm so indomitable, that it required all the genius of the Frank chieftain to save Christian Europe from another barbarian subjugation. The most formidable were the Pagan Saxons, who, under Witikind, stood forth to recommence the struggle, which their ancestors, under Arminius, had waged with the civilisation of Rome. Charles easily overran their territory with his armies, and thought he had definitively reduced them when, in 775, they assembled at Paderborn, and consented to receive baptism. In the following year he accordingly undertook his expedition beyond the Pyrenees, famous for his defeat at Roncevaux, and the death of Roland, Count of the Breton frontier. Witikind had seized the opportunity to raise again the standard of Saxon paganism, and to ravage eastern France to the banks of the Rhine and the Moselle. The local forces of Frank and Aleman could but observe the enemy until the return of Charles himself. In this manner the war continued, Witikind flying to Sigfried King of Denmark when hard pressed, but returning to raise his countrymen whenever an opportunity offered. Even half subdued as Saxony was, the Frank counts who ruled it were driven to hostilities with the Slavons beyond the Elbe. When engaged in an expedition of this kind they were surprised by Witikind, and two generals, or missi, with four counts and twenty nobles, slain. The ire of Charlemagne was raised by this disaster, and he caused nearly 5000 Saxons to be beheaded. This, in turn, exasperated the whole race, and it united to make a desperate stand in 783, fighting two battles, at Theotmel and on the Hase, in the same month, and suffering a double defeat, from which the national spirit never recovered. Charlemagne sent some thousands to France, and replaced them with his own Austrasians. And although the Saxons did not altogether remain quiet, still Witikind himself was baptized two

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years later, and Saint Willehad was enabled to install himself Bishop of Bremen.

When Tassilo Duke of Bavaria was defeated and condemned, and when the Lombard duchy of Aquileia equally made part of Charlemagne's empire, this potentate found his frontier bordering upon that of the Huns, who were wont to be formidable, but who seemed reposing in the midst of wealth, gathered from the plunder of Europe. They were thus a tempting prey, and Charlemagne directed, in several campaigns, the forces of the Dukes of Aquileia and of Lombardy against them. The Huns resisted for eight years the overwhelming force that fell upon them, and which ravaged their country. The chiefs of the two contiguous provinces, Aquileia and Bavaria, fell in battle with them. But at last Eric, who had succeeded in the dukedom of Aquileia, penetrated to the famous Ring, killed the Chagan, and took away more wealth and plunder than any war had produced.

year

A portion of these spoils Charlemagne despatched to Rome, where a new pope, Leo, had succeeded Adrian. The Romans being dissatisfied at his elevation, the pontiff, during a solemn procession, was waylaid and grievously maltreated. Report said that his tongue had been cut out and that in this state he had been rescued by the Duke of Spoleto. However, when he was brought into a neighbouring monastery, a miracle was performed in the restoration of his tongue. In the 800, Charlemagne proceeded to Rome, for the avowed purpose of judging of the validity of the complaints against the pontiff. As he permitted Leo to disprove the accusation by a solemn oath of compurgation, his innocence was soon made clear: and Leo, in gratitude, and, no doubt, from a preconcerted plan, took the opportunity of a solemn ceremony at St. Peter's to place a crown upon the head of Charlemagne, and salute him with the cry, which the people echoed, of "Carolo

Augusto, a Deo coronata magno, et pacifico Imperatore Romanorum, vita et victoria." In subsequent acts and letters, the Pope replaced the title of "Patricius," hitherto applied to Charlemagne, by that of "Imperator" and "Augustus."

*

Eginhard, the friend and intimate of Charlemagne, records a frequent assertion of the monarch, that had he been aware of the Pope's design to crown him Emperor, he would not have entered the cathedral. Whilst bent upon extending dominion and establishing ascendancy no less than imperial, he still was aware that the source of his power was essentially Frank and Teutonic. He therefore avoided imperial vestments and the residence of ancient cities. His life and sports were rustic; and whether in war, in council, or in repose, he lived amongst his people. Few monarchs were more absolute, but this was the result of his personal superiority and uninterrupted success. The Carlovingian house had risen to the throne at the head of a warlike and free people, and Charlemagne fully recognised this. The nature of his rule, to express it truly, was that of consultative monarchy, a sovereign who nominally consulted the will of his subjects in all things that concerned them, though in the rude and imperfect way, which the circumstances of the times suggested or permitted. Twice a year he summoned all the Franks around him, discussed with them the campaign on which they were about to enter, or the legislative measures which it was required to enact. If a prelate were to be deposed, or a duke to be deprived for treason, as was the case with Tassilo, he called for the judgment of the prelates or the Franks.

The consultative principle, which was the foundation of the political system of Charlemagne, was also the distinguishing characteristic of his judicial regula

* He used to have more than a hundred of his friends at the table with him.

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tions. Under the Merovingians the ancient system of popular jurisdiction, the mallum, had no doubt fallen into disuse in the west, where the Gallo-Roman population prevailed, and where the town judges pronounced sentence according to Roman law. The Carlovingians re-established or continued these popular courts in the east. Even there, their sphere had been restricted by the leudes and the nobles flocking to the king's courts with their pleas. In these high courts of appeal or judgment, in which the monarch was supposed to sit in person, though represented by his missi, Charlemagne took care that there should be assessors, and that the notables of the country should be present and should participate in the judgment. The same was ordained with respect to the mallum. The people being more lax to attend, there was the danger of the jurisdiction falling into the hands of a solitary judge. Charlemagne therefore established scabini, or elders, chosen among the community, who were compelled to attend and participate in the judgment.

But the entire of Charlemagne's policy and legislation was subjected to the one dominant necessity of his reign, that of uniting all the countries and races of the christianised and semi-civilised west, against the Paganism and Mohammedanism which threatened from the east and south. This war, originally one of defence, for the Saxon and the Avars were aggressive, became an offensive war, carried on by an annual levy in mass of almost the entire male and native population. The previous military superiority of barbarians lay in their numbers, which the local force of any province was unable to resist. But the Carlovingians employed the barbarian strategy, and overwhelmed the homes of savage tribes with armed multitudes which completely crushed them.

As the empire extended, its frontier became too wide, its foes too remote for the latter to be reached by a

central muster. The outlying provinces consequently were entrusted to counts or dukes, and the kingdoms of Italy and Aquitaine, founded for the sons of the emperor, each became starting points for separate military expeditions. This of course impaired the unity of the empire, and split it into fragments; that very military system, which originally held it together, itself undergoing and necessitating a dismemberment.

cause.

It is observed by M. Guizot that the total want of communication, of instruction and of a common idea throughout the world, rendered the maintenance of an empire impossible. But the military organisation and fiscal system of the state, with the economical condition of society, had more influence in disjoining provinces and localising authority than any moral want or ideal A ruler who can collect a moneyed revenue from a large kingdom, which he distributes amongst his functionaries and soldiers, holds the country together by the numbers he employs, and who are graduated in obedience to him and to his government. But money scarcely existed at that time; Charlemagne himself migrated with his court from farm to farm, consuming the produce in nature. His counts and his soldiers he could only pay in portions of the soil. Those who served in a distant province must have had their lands in that province. Influence and authority grew up, and were exercised on the spot; and all the emperor or the central government could attempt or some periodical and nominal control. paying for the service of warfare in land necessarily localised the armies; and this necessity localised the state, and broke up the empire into kingdoms. The social and administrative as well as the military organisation of the Frank empire came to be identified with the soil, instead of being personal and movable, as it was under the Roman system. This gave birth to an altogether new spirit and new tendencies, known after

accomplish was The necessity of

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