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of the policy of Philip Augustus had accomplished every thing that the crown at that time could demand or attempt. The English had been humbled, all their continental possessions with the exception of Guienne reduced, whilst the great noblesse of France, notwithstanding their repeated confederations and insurrections, had been unable either to weaken the crown, or dispute the power of Blanche. The heritage of Languedoc had been secured to the royal family, that of Provence opened. In investing his brother Robert with Artois, the king had made him espouse the daughter of the Duke of Brabant. From the Mediterranean to the Scheldt, the suzerainty of the French king was established and recognized. Louis the Ninth was thus in a position which none of his predecessors had enjoyed, to look abroad beyond the frontier of France, and engage in schemes of foreign policy or ambition. But the sole ambition of Louis was to be an honest, a just, and a Christian prince.

The uppermost thought with most princes at the time was to resist the progress of the infidel, to recover the conquests of the first crusaders in Syria, and defend their empire at Constantinople. A young sovereign, the Emperor Frederic the Second, had undertaken the chief of these enterprises, and had even to a certain degree succeeded. He had embarked for the Holy Land in 1228, and rescued Jerusalem from the Sultan of Egypt in the following year. But for this crusade and its results he was rewarded by Papal excommunication, and by all the hostility which the Church and churchmen could show him. The Popedom, which in the case of the Albigenses seemed inspired by demoniac vengeance, in that of Frederic was animated by the most childish jealousies, the most unaccountable caprice. It would not even accept Jerusalem restored to the Christians, unless the act was accomplished in precisely the way that the Pope dictated. The Pontiff raised against Frederic a foe and rival in his European dominions: no

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other than the king of Jerusalem; and Frederic was obliged to abandon the Holy Land and hurry home. The Pope sought to crush Frederic as the Count of Toulouse had been crushed, by an accusation of heresy, and by turning against him the current of a crusade. With this view he despatched a solemn embassy to the court of France, offering Sicily, and, according to some, the Empire, to Robert of Artois, brother of Louis. But the French monarchs had always been friendly with the Hohenstauffen. The king would not allow his brother to accept the gift. In order not to take upon himself the responsibility of refusal, he consulted his barons, who were unanimous in approving this resolve. According to Matthew Paris, the king objected, that however a general council might depose a prince, the Pope could not exercise such a power. It was added that "Frederic had faithfully combated for our Lord; facing perils by sea and land, —the Pope, showing no such attachment to religion, endeavouring, on the contrary, to supplant the imperial crusader during his absence. The Romans cared little how much blood was spilt by others, in being the instruments of their choler. But if by French help the Pope should triumph over Frederic, he would tread all princes under foot."

King Louis sent an embassy to Frederic to inquire into his catholicity. The Emperor asserted himself a most orthodox Catholic, and declared that he had incurred the enmity of the Pope, chiefly because he made war upon the people of Milan, whose city was the chief harbour and protector of heretical men and opinions.

While Rome was thus exerting its influence to embroil Christian princes, and prevent any succours reaching its co-religionists in Syria, the hordes of Genghis Khan had not only overrun the East itself, but had penetrated into Poland and Hungary. The German Emperor was the great, almost the only bulwark against them. Yet it was to crush him that Rome

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laboured to raise a crusade. Neither the courts of CHAP. France nor England were much moved by this invasion of the Tartars. An accord might at that time easily have been made between the Saracens and Christians against the Mogul, which would have secured to the pilgrim, at least, free entrance into Jerusalem. But the great reproach of Pope and Templar against Frederic was his having lent his support to such an alliance. A Saracen visited England and France, craving aid of the Christian against the Mogul. "Let the dogs devour each other," exclaimed the Bishop of Winchester; "we shall be the better able to go and massacre the survivors, and secure the whole world to the Catholic Church, there being then but one flock and one pastor." "Let the Tartars come," said King Louis to his mother; "we shall either send them to Tartarus, or they us to Heaven."

Meantime, numbers of crusaders took their departure from France, in the years 1239 and 1240. Baldwin, Emperor of Constantinople, returned thither with what forces he could muster. The King of Navarre, Peter Mauclerc of Brittany, who had given up that county to his nephew, the Duke of Burgundy, Amaury de Montfort, met at Lyons to proceed to the East. And they did so in despite of the dissuasion of the Pope. They found Syria a prey to anarchy, offering every facility for conquest; but the crusading force was in equal anarchy. Mauclerc having made a successful raid and plundered a convoy, the Duke of Burgundy and De Montfort would follow his example. They were outnumbered and beaten, Montfort and some sixty others taken, the Duke of Burgundy escaping. He abandoned the crusade altogether; the French likewise embarking and leaving their companions in captivity. They had scarcely gone, when Richard of Cornwall arrived, if not with great forces, at least with money. This he employed to ransom Amaury de Montfort and the other

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CHAP. captives. Such was the result of an expedition, in which kings and so many eminent nobles took part. It was quite sufficient to indicate the decay of that spirit, and the paucity of those resources, which had rendered the first crusade successful.

Louis could scarcely have refrained from joining in an expedition so much after his heart, had not maternal influence been strong to dissuade him from such a design. And soon after, the smouldering embers of baronial discontent and domestic war broke into a flame. The king's attention had been drawn southward first by Raymond of Toulouse, who had once more appeared in arms and in hostility to Raymond Berenger, Marquis of Provence. The latter had taken part against the Emperor Frederic, who in revenge excited the Count of Toulouse to attack him. In addition to this, Roger Trencavel, son of the Viscount de Beziers, who had perished in the hands of De Montfort, reappeared to claim not only Beziers, but to dispute Carcassonne. Louis sent John of Beauvais with 700 knights and other forces against Trencavel, and thus put a stop to any ambitious designs of the Counts of Languedoc. The Count of Toulouse, soon after having made peace with the Count of Provence, prepared to espouse his daughter Sancie. But both the Pope and the King of France threw obstacles in the way of the marriage, and Sancie was finally married to Richard of Cornwall, brother of the King of England.

After this success, and for the purpose of consolidating it, Louis resolved to invest his brother Alphonso, who was to succeed to the county of Toulouse by the right of his wife, with the dignity of Count of Poitou, and to give him at the same time the territories possessed by the crown in Auvergne. Alphonso was just twenty-one years of age (1240). And Louis summoned his barons to Saumur to attend the ceremony of his investiture and knighthood. Joinville has described the

magnificence of the feast. "At the king's table were seated the Count de Poitiers, whom he had knighted on the last St. John's day; the Count John de Dreux, who had lately received the same honour; the Count de la Marche, and the Count Peter of Brittany. At another table, before that of the king, on the side where the Count de Dreux was seated, the King of Navarre dined. He was most richly dressed in cloth of gold, in coat, mantle, girdle, clasp, and cap of fine gold, to whom I was the carver. The Count of Artois served the king, St. Louis, and his brother. The Count de Soissons carved the meat. Sir Imbert de Beaujeu, who was afterwards Constable of France, the Sire de Coucy, and Sir Archibald de Bourbon were the guards of the king's table; and there were behind these barons, full thirty of their knights in cloth of silk, to serve under them. There were likewise behind these knights a great many ushers of arms, and of the apartments, bearing the arms of the Count of Poitiers. The king was dressed as magnificently as it was possible, but it would be tedious to enter into the particulars of his habiliments. I have heard several persons declare, that they never before saw at any feast so many surcoats and other dresses of cloth of gold as at this."

Discontent was rather excited than appeased by this kingly splendour. The partisans of England were offended, that the title of Count of Poitou should be chosen for Alphonso, when Richard of England already bore it. The Count de la Marche, after having partaken of the festivities of Saumur, withdrew from Poitiers, Louis and Alphonso having claimed his homage and submission for certain lordships which the count did not think himself bound to pay. He withdrew accordingly to Lusignan, summoned troops about him; and the king and his brother after the festival were obliged to shut themselves up in Poitiers for fifteen days, unable to face De la Marche. The king was at last obliged

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