monition to others, to remember it is a condition which confronts us, not a theory'; and that condition is an absolute refutation of his theory. . . . I challenge any man to name the product of a single wellestablished American industry that cannot be bought cheaper today under our protective system than during any period of our history under Free Trade or a tariff for revenue only.

“It is an astounding fact that the value of the 200,000,000 acres of farm lands in the eleven States composing the late Confederacy are not equal to the 26,000,000 acres of farm lands in the States of New York and New Jersey. I beg to assure the gentlemen of the South that I have drawn this contrast in no invidious spirit, but only in confirmation of the fact that the development of manufactures tends to enhance the value of agricultural lands. It seems to me, however, that there is a lesson to be drawn from this of inestimable value to you. The South needs this development. Protection has brought it to the North, it will bring it to you. You have but to accept it and it will bring to you an era of unexampled prosperity. It will open and develop your mines, explore your forests, light the fires of your furnaces, build your factories, construct your railways, invite capital to investment, give employment to your labor, plant cities in your waste places, and lead your people

into the highway of industrial progress. You have already entered thereon. During the last ninety days $36,000,000 of capital have gone into your manufacturing industries. In this I rejoice. There is not an industry in the South, the development of which would redound to her glory, that I would not as jealously guard as though it were the industry of Michigan. I believe in Protection not for my State alone but for my country. I believe in American industries, American capital, American labor, against the whole world.

"Let me warn you, gentlemen of the South, that this measure bodes no good to you. It will arrest the investment of capital in your midst and bring your industries to a stand-still. There is no portion of our country where this measure should meet with a more united and determined opposition than in the South. Untoward circumstances have heretofore re

tarded her material progress, but the way is now open for her to march unimpeded to a splendid industrial future. The advance is already sounded. He who does not respond to its inspiring summons will soon find himself without a Party and without a following. I rejoice that there is a new South, a new industrial South, born of the throes of war, but full of hope and full of courage. She stands today with uplifted brow facing the dawn of a mighty future. Her loins

Her heavens are

are girt for a new race. With unfettered hands she smites the earth, and fountains of unmeasured wealth gush forth. Beneath her feet she feels the stir of a marvelous life. Her pathway is already illumined with the light of blazing furnaces. aglow with the break of a new day. coming! . . . And when the sun zenith of that glorious day, the North and the South, cemented in the indissoluble bonds of commercial and fraternal unity, will stand together under the banner of protection to American industries and American labor, and march to grander industrial triumphs."

All hail its onshall reach the

After reading the foregoing extracts from Burrows' speech against the Mills Bill in the House it is of interest to turn to his use of the same material in campaign work, and to note how the finished, forensic style changes to suit the audience he sees before him. This extract is from an address delivered during the Harrison campaign:

"They only changed that Bill seventy-five times after they got it into the House, by actual count. When they got it in there somebody said, 'Why, Mr. Mills, you must not put marble on the free list. There is Tennessee, a great marble producing country, and I will lose my district.' So they put it back. They started out to make this Bill a tariff for revenue only, and they ended by making it a tariff for Con

gressmen only. They put wood screws on the free list, and all Connecticut was in a turmoil. Why, that would make it go Republican! and they put wood screws back. Why such philosophic problems! That is the way to solve the great economical questions, to find out who can be elected to Congress. And here was Lawler. He said, 'Why, Mr. Mills, you put glue on the free list.' And Mr. Mills says, 'Isn't that raw material? Don't we want glue in the manufacture of furniture, and don't we want glue free?' And Lawler says, 'Maybe that is so; but my stars! glue is a great industry in my district; glue is the only thing that holds me to my seat!' Well, glue went right back. And so they go around, fooling about, to see whom they elect to Congress, fixing a Bill simply to secure the next House of Representatives."

THE

CHAPTER IX

THE MCKINLEY BILL. 1890

HE McKinley Bill, while outrageously misunderstood and misrepresented for campaign purposes during the first six months of its existence, proved to be the most thorough and consistent revision of the tariff from a protective point of view that had ever been made. In brief, the new Act admitted free whatever did not compete with home products, and placed heavy duties upon whatever did compete, exactly carrying out the principles advocated by Burrows in the speeches already quoted. In addition to this, the Bill included an entirely new phase by adding, at Blaine's insistence, the principle of Reciprocity, which the President power to lay gave duties upon certain of the free goods in case their country of origin seemed to tax our exports unduly. In contrast to the "star chamber" proceedings which surrounded the framing of the Mills Bill, the Committee on Ways and Means offered to every interest the fullest opportunity to present facts, and every effort was made to construct a Bill which should be consistent and best serve the greatest number of conflicting interests.