only, and not necessarily in opposition to the protective system. He further suggested that these reductions be made upon necessities rather than upon luxuries.

Suffering from a lack of financial leadership in the House, the Democratic Party floundered about trying to find a way out of their difficulty. William R. Morrison of Illinois, Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, introduced various Tariff measures, but failed to secure the support even of his own Party. Cleveland continued to bring pressure to bear upon Congress, doing his best to educate his Party, his efforts culminating in his annual message of December, 1887, which was devoted entirely to revenue reform. In spite of the fact that Cleveland always disavowed the imputation of being a FreeTrader, this message was accepted as nothing less than a Free Trade document, and the President was immediately placed in the ranks of the pronounced Tariff Reformers.

Roger Q. Mills of Texas had now become Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, and to him was entrusted the task of formulating a Tariff Bill which should accomplish the ideas which the President advocated. When this document, known as the Mills Bill, was finally presented to the House, it brought forth one of the most remarkable debates in the

history of Congress. It consumed a record amount of time, and its political effect was tremendously farreaching. In it the revision reached every schedule of the tariff, but it was inconsistent in its relation to different industries, and, taken as a whole, could not be considered as successful in accomplishing the reduction which was the reason for its consideration. It was decidedly sectional in its nature, sacrificing the protection of certain industries which flourished in Republican States while giving protection to industries which were already prospering in Democratic States. The methods employed in preparing the Bill were also open to criticism, as the Republican members of the Committee on Ways and Means were kept entirely in the dark until the Bill itself was reported to the House. The Mills Bill was finally passed through the House by a narrow margin, but received its death blow in the Republican Senate; so that its greatest importance may be said to have been its effect upon the campaign of 1888.

A spectator, seated in the diplomatic gallery, has recorded the following graphic description of the scene in the House when Burrows delivered his speech against the Bill:

"Every seat, above and below, was occupied, and every inch of standing room to the doors. On the Democratic side members appeared busy, some writ

ing, some reading papers which were uneasily and frequently turned as if their readers were unable to find anything of interest. Their ears were evidently more attent than their eyes. Every word that fell from the speaker's lips was caught with earnest interest by every person in the Hall of Congress. The suppressed excitement was intense. When Mr. Burrows reached the closing portion of his speech and touched on the South, laying aside his notes and stepping from the side of his desk, the members on the other side who had feigned giving attention to other things, turned. Papers were dropped. Pens with their tiny store of ink remained idle in the hand. The speech closed amidst a tremendous outburst from the crowds assembled. The throng rushed for the speaker,—friends who admired and sympathized with the sentiments of the speech, not unmingled with opponents who admired its candor and brilliance. Mr. Burrows was overwhelmed with congratulations."

The following extracts from this speech show the results of the thoroughgoing and consistent thought Burrows gave to the subject of Tariff legislation:

"That the accumulation of such a surplus must be averted there can be no question. A constantlyaccruing and ever-increasing surplus not only invites to profligacy, but insures swift financial disaster. There can be, therefore, no conflict of opinion but