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Blaine had exclaimed: "I am the Henry Clay of the Republican Party,-I can never be President"; and the strange fatality which followed him in thwarting this one great desire of his life culminated in this defeat.

It was at this time that Ingersoll sent Burrows the following amusing comments on recent events:

From Robert G. Ingersoll

MY DEAR BURROWS:

WASHINGTON, D. C., Dec. 30, '84

After congratulating you on your election, and after my best regards to Mrs.

How is the world going?

Burrows, I will say.

What do you think What is your opinion What do you think of

of the late alleged election?
of the preacher in politics?
Balaam's ass and Blaine's doctor of divinity?

This is a great world, brother Burrows, and many things are foretold that never happen, and some things come to pass without being foretold. . . .

CHAPTER VII

LATER YEARS IN THE LOWER HOUSE.

1885-1890

ITH his election to the Forty-ninth Congress,

WITH

Burrows began a continuous service of twenty-seven years in the Lower and Upper branches. He found a substantial Democratic majority in the House and a Republican Senate, which formed a combination hostile to important legislation. Civil Service Reform was the shibboleth of the period, owing to the tremendous expansion of the "spoils system" which had culminated in the murder of President Garfield. Cleveland himself recognized the temper of the people, and for the first time in over fifty years the incoming President made no radical sweep in the non-political offices. The hope which this engendered in the hearts of the advocates of Civil Service Reform was, however, soon dispelled, as Cleveland found himself absolutely unable to prevent his Cabinet officers from yielding to the ravenous demands of the hungry Democratic office seekers, who were now in a position to appropriate the spoils of victory.

During the first session of this Congress the question of the Presidential succession was settled, this

action being impelled by the death of vice-President Hendricks. A Tariff Bill was prepared, but as there was no possibility of passing it through the Republican Senate it was never urged for serious consideration. Cleveland coöperated earnestly in the organization of the Civil Service Commission, but, as we shall see later, the sincerity of his efforts in this direction was more than nullified by the lack of coöperation on the part of other influential leaders of his Party.

Although hopelessly in the minority, Burrows was heard on all the important measures which came up during the two sessions. One of these was a Bill submitted for the relief of Major-General Fitz-John Porter, which in effect was an effort to reverse the judgment of the court-martial which dismissed General Porter from the service of the United States in January, 1863, on the ground of "disobedience of the lawful commands of his superior officer" and "misbehavior in the face of the enemy." The Bill had passed the Forty-eighth Congress, but was vetoed by President Arthur. Burrows approached the subject first from a judicial aspect, questioning the authority of Congress to take upon itself the power to set aside, modify, or nullify the sentence of a general court-martial. He presented an impressive of opinions from legal authorities which carried

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much weight; and finally summed up his case with the old-time fire which could only burst from the Northern soldier in contemplating what he considered to be nothing less than Southern treachery. The deep-rooted, war-time antagonisms were still alive in Burrows' breast, even though now under full control.

"Let me say to you, gentlemen," he said—“let me say to the Democratic Party North and South,South in the lead, the North following, that if by the force of numbers you do this thing the country will not hold you guiltless. The people whom Fitz-John Porter betrayed are content with the verdict. Why not let it stand? Why seek to reverse it? Do you question the capacity or integrity of the court? FitzJohn Porter was tried and convicted by a military tribunal composed of gentlemen of exalted character and acknowledged ability. Six of the nine generals

were graduates of the Military Academy, familiar with all the details and discipline of military life. Generals Prentiss and Slough were men of high civil and military renown, while General Garfield, for brilliant achievements in the field and forum, is assigned a foremost place in the Nation's regard.

"Such was the high character of the tribunal which convicted Fitz-John Porter. It sat where the sound of the battle's thunder had been heard, and

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summoned into its presence the witnesses, chief and subaltern, from that field of carnage and treachery. It sat with open doors. The accused was present in person and by eminent counsel, among whom was the Hon. Reverdy Johnson. It prosecuted the investigation for forty-five days; examined eighteen persons on the part of the Government and twenty-two on behalf of the accused, forty witness in all. Judge Holt submitted the case without argument. The accused was heard at length, after which the court found Fitz-John Porter guilty of disobedience of the lawful commands of his superior officer and misbehavior in the face of the enemy; and thereupon sentenced him to be dismissed from the military service of the United States, and forever disqualified from holding any office of profit or trust under the Government thereof. The findings and sentence of the court were approved by Abraham Lincoln, whose name has become a synonym of justice and honesty.

"But it has been said that injustice was done FitzJohn Porter, and that the judgment of the court was swayed by the passions and prejudices of the hour. It is a notorious fact that a majority of that court were Porter's personal friends, none his enemies. He himself, upon his arraignment, declared himself content with the detail. The sentence of the court gives

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