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References.-Bryce, American Commonwealth, i, 121-137; Dawes, How We Are Governed, 78; Ford, American Citizen's Manual, Part I, 15-17; Hinsdale, American Government, 155-159, 164-166.

33. Gerrymander.-Before 1842 the representatives from any State might be elected by a general ticket of the whole State, the voters in all parts of the State voting for the whole list of persons to be elected. Since that date the several representatives have been elected from congressional districts. There is a conspicuous exception to this rule. After a new census it becomes necessary to make a new apportionment of the representation. If a State under a new apportionment act is allotted an increase in the number of its representatives, and the congressional election occurs before the new districts have been formed, the additional member or members are chosen by voters from all parts of the State. They are elected on what is known as a general ticket. They are called "congressmen at large." It is sometimes said that election by general ticket is likely to secure a better class of officers than election in small districts. The ground of this opinion is found in the fact that in order to attract the approving attention of a whole State or of a very large district, stronger qualities are required than would be needed to bring one prominently before the inhabitants of a small district. On the other hand, in a very large district the individual voter can know only imperfectly the candidate for whom or against whom he is expected to vote. He is obliged to regard the nomination by his party convention as a guarantee that the candidate is worthy of his support. This arrangement, however, throws upon the party committee, or party managers, a greater power than it was originally intended any such persons should exercise.

When members of the House of Representatives are elected, each in his individual district, the party in power

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in a State, on redistricting the State, is moved to lay out the districts in such a way as to insure for itself the election of the largest possible number of congressmen. The method that has sometimes been employed to reach this end is to draw the lines of district boundaries in such a way as to make majorities for the party in charge of redistricting in as many districts as possible, but to make these majorities as small as may be safely done, and to make majorities for the opposing party in as few districts as possible, but to make them as large as possible. This arrangement has caused the party in power to waste the fewest votes possible, and the opposite party the most possible; for all votes given in any district over the number necessary to make a safe majority are thrown away. If the region where these surplus voters mainly reside can be added to another district, where they are needed to make a majority, another representative is gained for the party interested in making the change. In attempting to accomplish this purpose districts have sometimes been made very irregular in shape, as may be seen by a glance at the outlines of the congressional districts of South Carolina. The light, broken lines represent the boundaries of counties; the heavy, solid lines, the boundaries of the congressional districts.

The trick was invented in Virginia, and was there applied for the purpose of preventing the election of James Madison to the first Congress. It was later introduced into Massachusetts. Under Governor Gerry it was applied to secure the largest possible number of State senators for the party to which he belonged. A number of towns that were brought together into one district made a strange figure, which, through a combination of part of the word salamander with the name of Gerry, was designated "Gerrymander." The terms gerrymander and gerrymandering have remained in the language of American politics; and, unfortunately, the practice designated also has remained.

Topics.-Election by general ticket.—Aim of party in power in redistricting the State.-Methods sometimes employed to accomplish its purpose.—Origin and name of gerrymandering.

References.-Bryce, American Commonwealth, i, 121, note; Fiske, Civil Government, 224; Hart, Actual Government, 222; Hinsdale, American Government, 166; Lalor, Cyclopædia, ii, 367.

34. The Senate.-The Congress under the Articles of Confederation consisted of only one house. In this body a certain equality among the States was maintained, since each State, whatever the number of its delegates to the Congress, had one vote. Now each State has two votes in the Senate. It may therefore be divided against itself, giving its two votes on opposite sides of a given question. This equal representation of the States is fixed by the Constitution, which declares that "no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate."

The special purposes for which the Senate exists have been set forth as follows:

"To conciliate the spirit of independence in the several States, by giving each State, however small, equal representation with every other, however large, in one branch of the national Government.

"To create a council qualified, by its moderate size and the experience of its members, to advise and check the President in the exercise of his powers of appointing to office and concluding treaties.

"To restrain the impetuosity and fickleness of the popular house, and so guard against the effects of gusts of passion or sudden changes of opinion in the people.

"To provide a body of men whose greater experience, longer term of membership, and comparative independence of popular election would make them an element of stability in the government of the nation, enabling it to maintain its

character in the eyes of foreign states, and to preserve a continuity of policy at home and abroad.

"To establish a court proper for the trial of impeachments, a remedy deemed necessary to prevent abuse of power by the executive."

Topics. Differences between the Congress under the Articles of Confederation and under the Constitution.—Purposes of the Senate.

References. Bryce, American Commonwealth, i, 108; Wilson, Congressional Government, Chap. IV; Willoughby, Rights and Duties of American Citizenship, 166, 167.

35. The Number, Classification, and Terms of Senators. -The senatorial term is six years. In order that the Senate might be a permanent body, it was provided that the first senators elected should be divided as equally as might be into three classes. In the words of the Constitution, "the seats of the senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen, by resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of any State, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies." But after the legislature has had an opportunity to elect a senator and failed to do it, the governor cannot fill the vacancy by appointment. If an appointment were made under these circumstances, the Senate would refuse to admit the person appointed. In making the classes originally, no two senators from one State were put into the same class; and the term for which each class should serve was determined by lot. Senators from new States are assigned to one or another of these classes; consequently, the first senators from new States serve unequal periods. One may fall into

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