and thoughtful of the Russians, of those who have the most important interest in the well-being of the country, the nonacceptance of the Constitution by the members of the Congress implies the deep conviction of those best qualified to judge that a more solid basis for the Empire's political institutions must be found. They hope to find this basis in the will of the people, expressed by means of a Constituent Assembly.

We hope that this lack of support will not throw Count Witte into the arms of the advocates and the beneficiaries of the autocratic system hitherto existing. In the present welter of parties, this is the thing most to be feared. We are assured, however, that this is impossible, and the disaffection of the Army gives reason for this assurance. No agreement as to what is to take the place of the former system seems to be in sight, but all are agreed that something must take its place. Meanwhile the Cabinet (if so we may call it) of Count Witte is said to be elaborating the details for carrying out the election to the Duma, with the extended franchise granted by the Manifesto of October 30; and has called into its counsel that minority of the Zemstvo Congress who were willing to accept the Manifesto as a basis. But the workingmen have gone on striking, the soldiers and sailors mutinying, the peasants in many parts burning and destroying, as if they had no hope of any improvement in their lot. It is not, however, so easy to make a new Constitution as to put up a sky-scraper, and it takes several months to do that; so we must not be discouraged if after some six or seven weeks everything is not settled..

The only concessions which so far have brought peace, are those which have been made to Finland; and if nothing more came of the recent troubles, the undoing of the elaborate and long-continued attempt made by the Tsar and his advisers to deprive the Finns of their ancestral liberties is a thing at which to rejoice. Poland has not fared so well; in fact, martial law was declared throughout the kingdom, on the pretext that the Poles were seeking independence. This, as we have pointed out before, they have no idea of seeking; they have, in fact, entirely abandoned such a purpose. They do, however, aim at autonomy; and in this they were supported by the Liberal members of the Zemstvo Congress. The attitude of the German Emperor complicates the situation; for he does not wish the Poles, whom he oppresses, to have the extent of that op

pression brought home to them by the contrast. How far he was able to influence the Russian government in its treatment of its Polish subjects we have no means of knowing. However, the Zemstvoists made common cause with the Poles, and the martial law decree has been rescinded.

Not a single syllable can be said in defence of the utterly inexcusable and atrocious massacres of Jews which have taken place in some fourscore towns in Russia-massacres which were in some cases organized by the Russian bureaucrats, in all cases connived at by them. The military governor in South Russia, after the massacres at Odessa had begun, on being requested to use the soldiers for their repression, replied: “I have orders that this freedom, for which you have schemed and agitated, shall be tested for three days without interference from me." He obeyed his orders, with results that have filled the world with horror and disgust. But in explanation of the Odessa massacres, correspondents upon the spot affirm that certain Jews inflamed the Russians, by showing all possible dishonor to the national emblems, tearing down the national motto, mutilating the Emperor's portrait, declaring the reigning dynasty abolished and a republic established. To the "ikons," carried in procession by patriotic Russians, open contempt was shown. In this way they played into the hands of their enemies, and made it easy for the bureaucrats to let the hooligans loose. Their object in this was to show that the grant of liberties by the Tsar was not desired by the Russians themselves, and to induce him to recall that grant.

The situation has been very much complicated by the strikes of telegraph operators, as well as of many workmen of various trades, through which Russia was almost completely cut off from communication with the rest of the world. This does not seem to have been primarily a political strike like the first general strike; but its object was to secure adequate payment. It greatly added, however, to the general confusion. The serious mutiny at Sevastopol, and the smaller ones at various other places, and the manifestations of widespread disaffection in the army and navy, are the most serious blows to the ruling party, destroying their reliance on that which has been so far their sole support-force. What the outcome will be no one can tell. There seems to be no commanding mind.

While the Zemstvos represent the landlords, the professional,

and the educated classes, and the strikes are due to workingmen, the vast population consists mainly of peasants. These, too, have contributed to the general upheaval-crops have been seized, mansions have been burned, several landed proprietors killed. A Congress too of peasants has been held at Moscow. Some three hundred delegates from all parts of Russia were present. How they were elected we are not told; and what right they had to speak for the hundred million of their class we cannot, therefore, judge. They wisely disclaimed an appeal to force, laying the outrages which have taken place to the state officials. Their aim they declared to be the possession of the land. The present possessors they called usurpers. There seems to be no doubt that if the Tsar could find a means of gratifying this desire he might, for all the peasants would care, reign over them and everybody else as despotically as he pleased. But he will have to go farther than he has yet gone. The remission of land-redemption dues, granted in November, and the granting of facilities for the purchase of land through a peasants' bank, although they involve the sacrifice of some thirty-five millions of annual revenue, and a total surrender of six hundred millions, failed to satisfy the demands of the Congress. These concessions have been made some years too late. Notwithstanding the Manifesto of October 30, which granted liberty of speech and of assembly, the President and the members of the Peasant Congress were arrested. They were, however, soon released. Perhaps the best evidence of the present state of Russia is afforded by the fact that, after the fall of Port Arthur, Russian Fours were quoted at 89; after Mukden, at 89%; after Tsu Shima, at 83%; after Sevastopol, at 79. They have since fallen to 74, although every means has been taken to keep up the quotations. Count Witte still remains in office, but his fall is looked for any day; and then the two main forces-Reaction and Revolution-will stand face to face. Of late there have been three governments-Count Witte's, the Palace, and the Revolutionary. By a process of natural selection the fittest, we hope, will survive.

Germany.

The King of Spain has been paying a visit to the German Emperor, and was received, of course,

with all due pomp and ceremony. No change, however, in the

relations of Spain to France and England with reference to Morocco has, so far as is known, resulted from this visit.

The strengthening of the Navy is the thing which the Kaiser has most at heart. The new Navy Bill has been published. It provides for an increase in the tonnage of the battleships which have already been sanctioned; for the construction of six large cruisers on a scale little inferior to that of first-class battleships; for a larger number of torpedo-boats; and for the building of submarines. This involves an additional expenditure each year of some two millions of dollars. Inasmuch as the financial condition of Germany is very unsatisfactory, there having been deficits for the past four years amounting to some sixty millions in the aggregate, and as the debt of the Federated States has increased from 18 millions, in 1877, to 875 millions in the present year, there must be some very strong motive for incurring this large additional expenditure for the Navy. The Germans will have to pay, if the proposals of the government are accepted, an additional sum of some sixty. millions a year. Their beer and their tobacco are to be made to bear part of this burden, duties are to be imposed upon railway and steamboat tickets, on freights, and on receipts. On motor-cars too a heavy import is to be laid. Death duties are also to be introduced. This additional taxation may be salutary, for it will bring it home to every one that a world-policy cannot be indulged in without paying for it.

The Kaiser has made two speeches which have called forth general attention. In the first, addressed to the recruits of the Potsdam garrison, he gave encouragement to the worst spirit of our times. We recognize, of course, the lawfulness of war and its necessity; but, with Mr. Balfour, we look upon it as a disease and have some hopes that it may be extirpated; as not a sacred and holy duty, although at times a dire necessity. The Kaiser, however, in his address, pointing to the altar, said: "You see here an altar and on it the Cross, the symbol of all Christians," and then he proceeded to relate the story of Prince Eugène and the Emperor Leopold. "When the Emperor gave to the Prince the marshal's baton, Prince Eugène seized the crucifix and held it aloft with the words: This shall be our generalissimo.'" "I expect," said the Kaiser, "similar sentiments from you. I want pious and gallant soldiers in my army, not mockers." Perhaps in these our days we ought to

be grateful for any recognition of religion in high quarters; but when this recognition means its conversion to worldly aims, and to a worldly spirit, the service rendered does more harm than good.

The second speech of the Emperor was made at the opening of the Reichstag. The chief interest of the speech is the reference made to the foreign relations. These he declared to be correct with all the Powers, while with most they were good and friendly. The Powers with whom the Emperor's relations were not good or friendly but correct were not mentioned, but France and also England were obviously meant. We learn from the speech that the Kaiser supported President Roosevelt in his efforts to bring about the peace of Portsmouth. While he declares the peace of the German nation to be to him a matter of sacred concern, he complains of the existence of a misconception of German ideas and of prejudices against German industry. The Morocco question arose, he declared, from the endeavor to settle, without German co-operation, affairs in which German interests were involved. And he goes on to say that tendencies of this kind, though suppressed at one point, may reappear at another; and that even the signs of the times make it a duty to strengthen the defences of the Empire against unjust attacks. In France the speech was regarded partly as a veiled threat and partly as intended to influence the Reichstag in view of the coming naval credits. The attitude of the French people towards Germany has become one of invincible distrust, with a quiet and firm determination to watch and wait. In England there are not a few who believe that Germany has adopted as a whole, or is likely to adopt, that hostility which is avowed by a section of its press. Meetings have been held in England to disavow this distrust of Germany. It certainly is not widespread; but that it should be thought necessary actively to counteract it, shows that perfect confidence does not exist. There is no doubt that Germany is the enemy of the entente cordiale between France and England, and that the Emperor last summer did all in his power to destroy it.

Austria.

Baron Fejervary's proposal for the extension of the suffrage in Hungary has had the effect of caus

ing a demand for a like extension in the Austrian dominions of