I merely adduce this to show that our case is not, at least, worse than that of other nations: and that whatever chagrin may be felt on any such points, is not heightened but soothed by comparison with the condition of other churches supported by the state. The value of this support is of no small moment to the church it is not lightly to be thrown away. The most holy bishops in every age have approved it, and even borne with patience the defects, the faults, the interference of temporal magistrates. It is the duty of the faithful to pray that their princes and magistrates may be inspired with greater zeal for the faith, and in the mean while to hope that the Divine Head and Governor of the church will, in due time, cause better and happier days to arise.

CHAPTER VII.

CERTAIN DIFFICULTIES SOLVED.

IN the preceding chapters I have only been contemplating the case of christian princes of the catholic church: I do not pretend to deduce from the gospel the duties of heathen or heretical princes towards the true religion. But it remains to consider here the cases of a christian king with a heathen or heretical people, and of a christian people with a heretical or infidel king.

If a christian king should be placed at the head of a heathen or heretical people, his duty should lead him to encourage the spread of true religion without violence or compulsion, because it was not the commandment of Jesus Christ that his religion should be pro

pagated by weapons of carnal warfare; and converts made by temporal force are never likely to be sincere adherents to the catholic faith. A christian sovereign may even promise to defend the property and other legal rights of an established sect (as our monarchs do with reference to the presbyterian community in Scotland), and ought, in that case, to adhere to his promise in good faith; but he could not, without a violation of his duty to God and to the nation, preclude himself from benefitting and promoting the cause of the true church.

If the christian church in any country, having been neglected or persecuted by an unbelieving prince, should receive from that prince an offer of relief and support, on condition that he was permitted to exercise certain privileges in the church, it would be entirely in the power of the church to decide whether the adoption of such a proposal would leave an abundant security for the catholic faith and discipline; and if she judged either to be endangered, she would be at perfect liberty to reject the proposal: because her first duty is to maintain the ordinances of God.

If a christian church which had formerly been protected by the zeal and piety of christian princes, should in the course of ages behold the power of heretics or infidels influencing the state, and estranging it from her if she beheld a weak government consenting, or a wicked government labouring to withdraw those safeguards with which ancient piety and wisdom had surrounded her what should be her duty except to offer respectful and christian remonstrance while she is allowed to offer it; to bear with patience and humility what must be borne, in the hope of better times; to be cautious that injuries shall not excite her to imprudent

acts which might only increase her difficulties; and in fine, to guard with unshaken fidelity, the faith and the discipline which she has received from scripture and catholic tradition.

CHAPTER VIII.

ON TOLERATION.

I HAVE already observed that it was not the will of our Lord Jesus Christ that his church should compel unbelievers to unite themselves to her communion by force of arms. He neither conferred any temporal power on his ministers, nor willed that any but believers should be baptized. It would be entirely alien to the christian spirit to use harshness or cruelty to any human being, even to idolaters or infidels. On the contrary, christians are bound to "do good to all men,” and, as far as possible, to live at peace with them. But while this is most fully admitted, it seems not unnecessary to consider briefly the question of toleration, and the principles on which it is sometimes, indeed too frequently, advocated; because it affects not only the character of the christian church and christian sovereigns from the age of Constantine, but the very laws under which these churches have so long flourished.

Let us first consider the laws now existing, which establish the discipline and doctrine of this catholic church. By the act 1st Elizabeth, any minister of the church rejecting the use of the book of commonprayer, or employing different forms and ceremonies, is liable to forfeit the yearly profit of his benefice, and to be

imprisoned for six months for the first offence; to suffer imprisonment for a year and be deprived ipso facto of his benefices in case of a second offence; and for a third, to suffer imprisonment for life, besides losing his benefices. Any person libelling the Book of CommonPrayer, or forcing a clergyman to use any other form, forfeits a hundred marks. On a repetition of the of fence, he forfeits four hundred marks; on a third offence forfeits his goods and chattels, and suffers imprisonment for life. A person absent from the service of the church without reasonable excuse, forfeits twelve pence. By the Act of Uniformity, 14 Car. II. every minister of the church is bound to declare, on his appointment, his assent and consent to the Book of Common-Prayer, on pain of deprivation. He is also (if resident) to perform certain duties, under a penalty of five pounds. No one, except he be episcopally ordained, can hold a benefice: nor can any person not ordained a priest, celebrate the eucharist, under the penalty of one hundred pounds. Heads of colleges are to subscribe the Articles and Book of CommonPrayer, on pain of deprivation. Persons preaching without proper faculties are to suffer three months' imprisonment. By the act 13th Elizabeth, any minister of the church teaching doctrines contrary to the Thirty-nine Articles, is deprived of his preferments. These are a few of the principal laws by which the state protects the authority and unity of the church: the number might easily be enlarged.

In accordance with the principle involved in these laws, and in the Articles and Canons of the church of England, I maintain firmly that the state has a right, when necessary, to oblige the members of the church, by temporal penalties, to submit to her ordinances, and

neither establish a different worship, nor teach different doctrines from hers. It has a right to prevent persons from separating from her communion, and from troubling the faithful, sowing dissension in the community, and misleading the ignorant and weakminded brethren. It is not that the prince has a right to dictate his own opinions to the people, nor that he is specially bound by his office to save souls: but because he is bound to believe that God is the governor of this world, that religion propitiates His favour, that He has revealed a religion and established a church in which He wills that men should seek Him; because it is certain that God has not left His church without signs which distinguish it clearly from all false religions; and in fine, because the church in the supposed case, is manifestly a branch of that true and divine church it is for these reasons that the christian prince has a right to exercise his temporal power for the welfare of the nation, by protecting the church from "the gathering together of the froward, and the insurrection of evildoers."

But when temporal penalties are applied by the christian prince in preventing rebellion against the church, it should ever be remembered, that the object is not vengeance or cruelty, but the welfare of the church and nation. And therefore, if experience show that penalties have in vain been employed to secure obedience: if a schism be formed and established: if it be obviously in vain to expect any good results from measures of compulsion: christian charity and submission to the divine will, as well as sound policy, would enjoin the toleration of incurable errors. Therefore the state of England acted well in relieving papists and other sectaries from the operation of laws which could