I see to the sword. Puritanism triumphed; but under evil auspices. But from me yon must puritanism was already divided against itself. expect no such gloomy prognostications. I am Independency and republicanism were on one too much used to them to be scared by them. side, presbyterianism and limited monarchy on Ever since I began to make observations on the the other. It was in the very darkest part of state of my country, I have been seeing nothing that dark time-it was in the midst of battles, but growth, and I have been hearing of nothing sieges, and executions—it was when the whole but decay. The more I contemplate our noble world was still aghast at the awful spectacle institutions, the more convinced I am that they of a British king standing before a judgment are sound at heart, that they have nothing of seat, and laying his neck on a block—it was age but its dignity, and that their strength is when the mangled remains of the Duke of still the strength of youth. The hurricane Hamilton had just been laid in the tomb of his which has recently overthrown so much that house-it was when the head of the Marquis was great and that seemed durable, has only of Montrose had just been fixed on the Tolbooth proved their solidity. They still stand, august of Edinburgh, that your University completed and immovable, while dynasties and churches her second century! are lying in heaps of ruin all rund us. A hundred years more, and we have at no reason to doubt that, by the blessing of God length reached the beginning of a happier pe- on a wise and temperate policy, on a policy in riod. Our civil and religious liberties had, which the principle is to preserve what is good indeed, been bought with a fearful price. But by reforming in time what is evil, our civil they had been bought. The price had been institutions may be preserved unimpaired to a paid. The last battle had been fought on late posterity, and that, under the shade of our British ground. The last black scaffold had civil institutions, our academical institutions been set up on Tower Hill. The evil days were may long continue to flourish. over. A bright and tranquil century-a cen- I trust, therefore, that when a hundred years tury of religious toleration, of domestic peace, more have run out, this ancient college will still of temperate freedom, of equal justice-was continue to deserve well of our country and of beginning. That century is now closing. When mankind. I trust that the installation of 1949 We compare it with any equally long period in will be attended by a still greater assembly of the history of any other great society, we shall students than I have the happiness now to see find abundant cause for thankfulness to the before me. The assemblage indeed may not Giver of all Good; nor is there any place in meet in the place where we have met. These the whole kingdom better fitted to excite this venerable halls may have disappeared. My feeling than the place where we are now as- successor may speak to your successors in a sembled. For in the whole kingdom we shall more stately edifice, in an edifice which, even find no district in which the progress of trade, among the magnificent buildings of the future of manufactures, of wealth, and of the arts Glasgow, will still be admired as a fine specimen of life, has been more rapid than in Clydesdale. of architecture which flourished in the days Your university has partaken largely of the of the good Queen Victoria. But though the prosperity of this city and of the surrounding site and the walls may be new, the spirit of the region. institution will, I hope, be still the same. My The security, the tranquillity, the liberty, successor will, I hope, be able to boast that the which have been propitious to the industry of fifth century of the University has been even the merchant and of the manufacturer, have more glorious than the fourth. He will be able been also propitious to the industry of the to vindicate that boast, by citing a long list of scholar. To the last century belong most of eminent men, great masters of experimental the names of which you justly boast. The time science, of ancient learning, of our native elowould fail me if I attempted to do justice to quence, ornaments of the senate, the pulpit, and the memory of all the illustrious men, who, the bar. during that period, taught or learned wisdom, He will, I hope, mention with high honour within these ancient walls-geometricians, ana- some of my young friends who now hear me ; tomists, jurists, philologists, metaphysicians, and he will, I also hope, be able to add that poets-Simpson and Hunter, Miller and Young, their talents and learning were not wasted on Reid and Stewart; Campbell—— whose coffin was selfish or ignoble objects, but were employed to lately borne to a grave in that renowned transept promote the physical and moral good of their which contains the dust of Chaucer, of Spencer, species, to extend the empire of man over the and of Dryden; Black, whose discoveries form material world, to defend the cause of civil and an era in the history of chemical science ; religious liberty against tyrants and bigots, and Adam Smith, the greatest of all the masters of to defend the cause of virtue and order against political science; James Watt, who perhaps the enemies of all divine and human laws. I did more than any single man bas done since have now given utterance to a part, and a part the new Atlantis of Bacon was written, to ac- only of the recollections and anticipations of complish the glorious prophecy. which on this solemn occasion my mind is full. We now speak the language of humility when I again thank you for the honour which you we say that the University of Glasgow need not have bestowed on me; and I assure you that fear a comparison with the University of Bo- while I live I shall never cease to take a deep logna. Another secular period is now about interest in the welfare and fame of the body to commence. There is no lack of alarmists, with which, by your kindness, I have this day who will tell you that it is about to commence become connected. SPEECH ON RETIRING FROM POLITICAL LIFE. (MARCH 22, 1849.] I THANK you, my Lord Provost-gentlemen, I demagogue, and never feared to confront what thank you from my heart for this great honour. * seemed to me to be an unreasonable clamour. I may, I hope, extend my thanks further-ex- I never in time of distress incited my countrytend them to that constituent body, of which men to demand of any government, to which I I believe you are, upon this occasion, the ex- was opposed, miracles-that which I well knew positors—and which has received me here in a no government could perform; nor did I seek manner which has made an impression never to even the redress of grievances, which it was be effaced from my mind. [Alluding to the box the duty of a government to redress, by any containing the document, verifying his admis- other than strictly peaceful and legal means. sion as a freeman, he continued :] That box, Such were the principles upon which I acted, my lord, I shall prize as long as I live, and and such would have been my principles still. when I am gone, it will be appreciated by those The events which have lately changed the face who are dearest to me, as a proof that, in the of Europe, have only confirmed my views of course of an active and chequered life, both what public duty requires. These events are political and literary, I succeeded in gaining full of important lessons, both to the governors the esteem and good will of the people of one and the governed ; and he learns only half the of the greatest and most enlightened cities in lesson they ought to teach, who sees in them the British empire. My political life, my lord, only a warning against tyranny on the one has closed. The feelings which contention and hand, and anarchy on the other. The great rivalry naturally called forth, and from which lesson which these events teach us is that tyI do not pretend to have been exempted, have ranny and anarchy are inseparably connected; had time to cool down. I can look now upon that each is the parent, and each is the offspring the events in which I bore a part, as calmly, I of the other. The lesson which they teach is think, as in the events of the past century. I this—that old institutions have no more deadly can do that justice now to honourable opponents enemy than the bigot who refuses to adjust which perhaps in moments of conflict I might them to a new state of society; nor do they have refused to them. teach us less clearly this lesson, that the soveI believe I can judge as impartially of my reignty of the mob leads by no long or circuitown career, as I can judge of the career of an- ous path to the sovereignty of the sword. I other man. I acknowledge great errors and bless God that my country has escaped both deficiencies, but I have nothing to acknowledge these errors. inconsistent with rectitude of intention and in- Those statemen who, eighteen years before, dependence of spirit. My conscience bears me proposed to transfer to this great city and to this testimony, that I have honestly desired the cities like this, a political power which but happiness, the prosperity, and the greatness belonged to hamlets which contained only a of my country; that my course, right or wrong, few scores of inhabitants, or to old walls with was never determined by any selfish or sordid no inhabitants at all—these statesmen, and I motive, and that, in troubled times and through may include myself among them, were then many vicissitudes of fortune, in power and out called anarchists and revolutionists, but let of power, through popularity and unpopularity, those who so called us, now say whether we are I have been faithful to one set of opinions, and not the true and the far-sighted friends of to one set of friends. I see no reason to doubt order? Let those who so called us, now say that these friends were well chosen, or that how would they have wished to encounter the these opinions were in the main correct. tempest of the last spring with the abuses of The path of duty appeared to me to be Old Sarum and Gatton to defend--with Glasgow between two dangerous extremes-extremes only represented in name, and Manchester and which I shall call equally dangerous, seeing Leeds not even in name. We then were not that each of them inevitably conducts society only the true friends of liberty, but the true to the other. I cannot accuse myself of having friends of order; and in the same manner aided ever deviated far towards either. I cannot by all the vigorous exertions by which the goaccuse myself of having ever been untrue, vernment (aided by patriotic magistrates and either to the cause of civil or religious liberty, honest men) put down, a year ago, those maor to the cause of property and law. I reflect rauders who wished to subvert all societywith pleasure that I bore a part in some of those these exertions, I say, were of inestimable serreforms which corrected great abuses, and re-vice, not only to the cause of order, but also moved just discontents. I reflect with equal to the cause of true liberty. pleasure, that I never stooped to the part of a But I am now speaking the sentiments of a out one feeling of regret, and betook myself to owes her greatness, and from which, I trust, pursuits for which my temper and my tastes, I she is not destined soon to descend. believe, fitted me better. I would not willingly I shall now, encouraged by your approbation, believe that in ceasing to be a politician I re- resume, with alacrity, a task, under the maglinquish altogether the power of rendering any nitude and importance of which I have someservice to my country. I hope it may still be times felt my mind ready to sink. I thank you in my power to teach lessons which may be again, most cordially, for your kindness. I profitable to those who still remain on the busy value, as it deserves, the honour of being enstage which I have left. I hope that it may rolled in your number. I have seen with destill be in my power so faithfully, without fear light and with pride, the extent, the grandeur, or malignity, to represent the merits and faults the beauty, and the opulence of this noble of hostile sects and factions, as to teach a com-city-a city which I may now call mine. With mon lesson of charity to all. I hope it will be every wish for the prosperity, the peace, and in my power to inspire, at least, some of my the honour of our fair and majestic Glasgow, I countrymen with love and reverence for those now bid you, my kind friends and fellow-citifree and noble institutions to which Britain zens, a most respectful farewell. private man. I have quitted politics—I quitted • The tender of the freedom of the city of Glasgow. them without one feeling of rese tment, with |