under that terrible sun, without a friend near main end; yet if, without any sacrifice of itshim. He pines for the consolations of that re- efficiency for that end, it can promote any ligion which, neglected perhaps in the season other good end, it ought to do so. Thus, the of health and vigour, now comes back to his end for which an hospital is built is the relief mind, associated with all the overpowering of the sick, not the beautifying of the street. recollections of his earlier days, and of the To sacrifice the health of the sick to splenhome which he is never to see again. And dour of architectural effect—to place the buildbecause the state for which he dies sends a ing in a bad air only that it may present a more priest of his own faith to stand at his bedside, com mmanding front to a great public place-to and to tell him, in language which at once com- make the wards hotter or cooler than they mands his love and confidence, of the common ought to be, in order that the columns and Father, of the common Redeemer, of the com- windows of the exterior may please the passmon hope of immortality,–because the state ers-by, would be monstrous. But if, without for which he dies does not abandon him in his any sacrifice of the chief object, the hospital last moments to the care of heathen attendants, can be made an ornament to the metropolis, it or employ a chaplain of a different creed to would be absurd not to make it so. vex his departing spirit with a controversy in the same manner, if a government can, about the Council of Trent, Mr. Gladstone without any sacrifice of its main end, promote finds that India presents a “melancholy pic- any other good end, it ought to do so. The en. ture," and that there is “a large allowance of couragement of the fine arts, for example, is by false principle” in the system pursued there. no means the main end of government; and it Most earnestly do we hope that our remarks would be absurd, in constituting a government, may induce Mr. Gladstone to reconsider this to bestow a thought on the question, whether it part of his work, and may prevent him from would be a government likely to train Ra. expressing in that high assembly in which he phaels and Domenichinos. But it by no means must always be heard with attention, opinions follows that it is improper for a governmeni so unworthy of his character.

to form a national gallery of pictures. The We have now said almost all that we think same may be said of patronage bestowed on it necessary to say respecting Mr. Gladstone's learned men-of the publication of archivestheory. And perhaps it would be safest for us of the collecting of libraries, menageries, plants, to stop here. It is much easier to pull down fossils, antiques--of journeys and voyages for than to build up. Yet, that we may give Mr. purposes of geographical discovery or astroGladstone his revenge, we will state concisely nomical observation. It is not for these ends our own views respecting the alliance of that government is constituted. But it may Church and State.

well happen that a government may have at We set out in company with Warburton, its command resources which will enable it, and remain with him pretty sociably till we without any injury to its main end, to serve come to his contract, a contract which Mr. these collateral ends far more efiectually than Gladstone very properly designates as a fic- any individual or any voluntary association tion. We consider the primary end of govern- could do. If so, government ought to serve ment as a purely temporal end-the protection these collateral ends. of the persons and property of men.

It is still more evidently the duty of govern. We think that government, like every other ment to promote-always in subordination to contrivance of human wisdom, from the high- its main end-every thing which is useful as a est to the lowest, is likely to answer its main means for the attaining of that main end. The end best when it is constructed with a single improvement of steam navigation, for example, view to that end. Mr. Gladstone, who loves is by no means a primary object of governPlato, will not quarrel with us for illustrating ment. But as steam-vessels are useful for the our proposition, aster Plato's fashion, from the purpose of national defence, and for the purmost familiar objects. Take cutlery, for ex-pose of facilitating intercourse between distant ample. A blade which is designed both to provinces, and thereby consolidating the force shave and to carve will certainly not shave so of the empire, it may be the bounden duty of well as a razor or carve so well as a carving- government to encourage ingenious men to knife. An academy of painting, which should perfect an invention which so directly tends to also be a bank, would, in all probability, ex- make the state more efficient for its great pri. hibit very bad pictures and discount very bad mary end. bills. A gas company, which should also be Now, on both these grounds, the instruction an infant school society, would, we apprehend, of the people may with propriety engage the light the streets ill, and teach the children ill. care of the government. That the people On this principle, we think that government should be well educated is in itself a good should be organized solely with a view to its thing; and the state ought therefore to promote main end; and that no part of its efficiency for this object, if it can do so without any sacrifice that end should be sacrificed in order to pro- of its primary object. The education of the mote any other end however excellent. people, conducted on those principles of mo

But does it follow from hence that govern- rality which are common to all the forms of ments ought never to promote any other end Christianity, is highly valuable as a means or than their main end?' In no wise. Though promoting the main end for which guvernmen! it is desirable that every institution should exists; and is on this ground an object well have a main end, and should be so formed as deserving the attention of rulers. We will not to be in the highest degree efficient for that at present go into the general question of erlu. cation, but will confine our remarks to the persons and property of men being the primary subject which is more immediately before us, end of government, and religious instruction namely, the religious instruction of the people. only a secondary end, to secure the people

We may illustrate our view of the policy from heresy by making their lives, their limbs, which governments ought to pursue with re- or their estates insecure, would be to sacrifice spect to religious instruction, by recurring to the primary end to the secondary end. It would the analogy of an hospital. Religious instruc- be as absurd as it would be in the governors tion is not the main end for which an hospital of an hospital to direct that the wounds of ail is built; and to introduce into an hospital any | Arian and Socinian patients should be dressed regulations prejudicial to the health of the pa- in such a way as to make them fester. tients, on the plea of promoting their spiritual Again, on our principles, all civil disabilities improvement-to send a ranting preacher to a on account of religious opinions are indefensiman who has just been ordered by the physi- ble. For all such disabilities make governcian to lie quiet and try to get a little sleep-10 i ment less efficient for its main end: they limit impose a strict observance of Lent on a con- its choice of able men for the administration valescent who has been advised to eat heartily and defence of the state : they alienate from it of nourishing food—to direct, as the bigoted the hearts of the sufferers; they deprive it of a Pius the Fifth actually did, that no medical as- part of its effective strength in all contests with sistance should be given to any person who de- foreign nations. Such a course is as absurd clined spiritual attendance-would be the most as it would be in the governors of an hospital to extravagant folly. Yet it by no means follows reject an able surgeon because he is a Univer. that it would not be right to have a chaplain to sal Restitutionist, and to send a bungler to attend ihe sick, and to pay such a chaplain out operate because he is perfectly orthodox. of the hospital funds. Whether it will be pro- Again, on our principles, no government per to have such a chaplain at all, and of what ought to press on the people religious instrucreligious persuasion such a chaplain ought to tion, however sound, in such a manner as to be, must depend on circumstances. There excite among them discontents dangerous to may be a lown in which it would be impossible public order. For here again government to set up a good hospital without the help of would sacrifice its primary end, to an end inpeople of different opinions. And religious trinsically indeed of the highest importance, parties may run so high that, though people of but still only a secondary end of government, different opinions are willing to contribute for as government. This rule at once disposes of the relief of the sick, they will not concur in the difficulty about India-a difficulty of which the choice of any one chaplain. The High Mr. Gladstone can get rid only by putting in an Churchmen insist that, if there is a paid chap- imaginary discharge in order to set aside an lain, he shall be a High Churchman. The imaginary obligation. There is assuredly no Evangelicals stickle for an Evangelical. Here country where it is more desirable that Chris. it would evidently be absurd and cruel to let a tianity should be propagated. But there is no useful and humane design, about which all are country in which the government is so comagreed, fall to the ground, because all cannot pletely disqualified for the task. By using agrce about something else. The governors our power in order to make proselytes, we must either appoint two chaplains, and pay should produce the dissolution of society, and them both, or they must appoint none; and bring utter ruin on all those interests for the every one of them must, in his individual ca- protection of which government exists. Here pacity, do what he can for the purpose of pro- the secondary end is, at present, inconsistent viding the sick with such religious instruction with the primary end, and must therefore be and consolation as will, in his opinion, be most abandoned. Christian instruction given by useful to them.

individuals and voluntary societies may do We should say the same of government. much good. Given by the government, it Government is not an institution for the pro- would do unmixed harm. At the same time, pagation of religion, any more than St. George's we quite agree with Mr. Gladstone in thinking Hospital is an institution for the propagation that the English authorities in India ought not of religion. And the most absurd and perni- 10 participate in any idolatrous rite; and incious consequences would follow, if govern- deed we are fully satisfied, that all such partiment should pursue, as its primary end, that cipation is not only unchristian, but also unwise which can never be more than its secondary and most undignified. end; though intrinsically more important than Supposing the circumstances of a country to its primary end. But a government which con- be such, that the government may with prosiders the religious instruction of the people priety, on our principles, give religious instrucas a secondary end, and follows out that prin- tion to a people: the next question is, what ciple faithfully, will, we think, be likely to do religion shall be taught ? Bishop Warburion much good, and little harm.

answers, the religion of the majority. And we We will rapidly run over some of the conse- so far agree with him, that we can scarcely quences to which this principle leads, and conceive any circumstances in which it would point out how it solves some problems which, be proper to establish, as the one exclusive on Mr. Gladstone's hypothesis, admit of no sa- religion of the state, the religion of the minotisfactory solution.

rity. Such a preference could hardly be given All persecution directed against the persons without exciting most serious disconteni, and our property of men is, on our principle, obvi- endangering those interests the protection of susiy iv defensible. For the protection of thel which is the first object of government. Ba' we never can admit that a ruler can be justi- does not know whether that succession may fied in assisting to spread a system of opinions not be altogether a fable. He cannot defend solely because that system is pleasing to the her on the ground of her unity; for he knows majority. On the other hand, we cannot agree that her frontier sects are much more remote with Mr. Gladstone, who would of course from each other, than one frontier is from the answer that the only religion which a ruler Church of Rome, or the other from the Church ought to propagate, is the religion of his own of Geneva. But he may think that she teaches conscience. In truth, this is an impossibility. more truth with less alloy of error than would And, as we have shown, Mr. Gladstone himself, be taught by those who, if she were swept whenever he supports a grant of money to the away, would occupy the vacant space. He Church of England, is really assisting to pro- may think that the effect produced by her pagate, not the precise religion of his own beautiful services and by her pulpits on the conscience, but some one or more, he knows national mind, is, on the whole, highly benefinot how many or which, of the innumerable cial. He may think that her civilizing in. religions which lie between the confines of fluence is usefully felt in remote districts. He Pelagianism and those of Antinomianism, and may think that, if she were destroyed, a large between the confines of Popery and those of portion of those who now compose her conPresbyterianism. In our opinion, that reli- gregations would neglect all religious duties; gious instruction which the ruler ought, in his and that a still larger part would fall under the public capacity, to patronise, is the instruction influence of spiritual mountebanks, hungry for from which he, in his conscience, believes that gain, or drunk with fa cism. While he the people will learn most good with the small- would with pleasure admit that all the qualiest inixture of evil. And ihus it is not neces. ties of Christian pastors are to be found in sarily his own religion that he will select. He large measure within the existing body of diswill, of course, believe that his own religion is senting ministers, he would perhaps be inclined unmixedly good. But the question which he to think that the standard of intellectual and has to consider is, not how much good his reli- moral character among that exemplary class gion contains, but how much good the people of men may have been raised to its present will learn, if instruction is given them in that hight point and maintained there by the indireci religion. He may prefer the doctrines and influence of the Establishment. And he may government of the Church of England to those be by no means satisfied that, if the Church of the Church of Scotland. But if he knows were at once swept away, the place of our that a Scotch congregation will listen with deep Sumners and Whateleys would be supplied by attention and respect while an Erskine or a Doddridges and Halls. He may think that the Chalmers set before them the fundamental doc- advantages which we have described are obo trines of Christianity, and that the glimpse of a tained, or might, if the existing system were cassock or a single line of a liturgy would be slightly modified, be obtained, without any sathe signal for hooting and riot, and would pro-crifice of the paramount objects which all bably bring stools and brick-bats about the ears governments ought to have chiefly in view. of the minister; he acts wisely if he conveys Nay, he may be of opinion that an institution, religious knowledge to the Scotch rather by so deeply fixed in the hearts and minds of mil means of that imperfect Church, as he may lions, could not be subverted without loosening think it, from which they will learn much, than and shaking all the foundations of civil society by means of that perfect Church, from which With at least equal ease he would find reason they will learn nothing. The only end of' for supporting the Church of Scotland. Nei teaching is, that men may learn ; and it is idle would he be under the necessity of resorting to talk of the duty of teaching truth in ways to any contract to justify the connection of which only cause men to cling more firmly to two religious establishments with one govern. falsehood.

ment. He would think scruples on that head On these principles we conceive that a frivolous in any person who is zealous for a statesman, who might be far, indeed, from re- Church, of which both Dr. Herbert Marsh and garding the Church of England with the reve- Dr. Daniel Wilson are bishops. Indeed, he rence which Mr. Gladstone feels for her, might would gladly follow out his principles much yet firmly oppose all attempts to destroy her. further. He would have been willing to vote Such a statesman may be far too well acquaint- in 1825 for Lord Francis Egerton's resolution, ed with her origin to look upon her with that it is expedient to give a public maintesuperstitious awe. He may know that she nance to the Catholic clergy of Ireland; and sprang from a compromise huddled up between he would deeply regret that no such measure the eager zeal of reformers and the selfishness was adopted in 1829. of greedy, ambitious, and time-serving politi- In this way, we conceive, a statesman cians. He may find in every page of her annals might, on our principles, satisfy himself that it ample cause for censure. He may feel that he would be in the highest degree inexpedient to could not, with ease to his conseience, sub- abolish the Church, either of England or of scribe to all her articles. He may regret that Scotland. all the attempts which have been made to open But, if there were, in any part of the world, a her gates to large classes of nonconformists national church regarded as heretical by fourshould have failed. Her episcopal polity he fifths of the nation committed to its care--a may consider as of purely human institution. church established and maintained by the He cannot defend her on the ground that she sword-a church producing twice as many possesses the apostolical succession; for hel riots as conversions—a church which, thougb

possessing great wealth and power, and though the arguments against the policy which has delong backed by persecuting laws, had, in the prived a good cause of its natural advantages. course of many generations, been found unable Those who preach to rulers the duty of emto propagate its doctrines, and barely able to ploying power to propagate truth would do maintain its ground—a church so odious, that well to remember that falsehood, though no fraud and violence, when used against its clear match for truth alone, has often been found rights of property, were generally regarded as more than a match for truth and power tofair play-a church, whose ministers were gether. preaching to desolate walls, and with difficulty A statesman, judging on our principles, obtaining their lawful subsistence by the help would pronounce without hesitation, that a of bayonets-such a church, on our principles, church, such as we have last described, never could not, we must pwn, be defended. We ought to have been set up. Further than this should say that the state which allied itself we will not venture to speak for him. He with such a church, postponed the primary end would doubtless remember that the world is of government to the secondary; and that the full of institutions which, though they never consequences had been such as any sagacious ought to have been set up, yet having been set observer would have predicted. Neither the up, ought not to be rudely pulled down; and primary nor the secondary end is attained that it is often wise in practice to be content The temporal and spiritual interests of the with the mitigation of an abuse which, looking people suffer alike. The minds of men, in- at it in the abstract, we might feel impatient to stead of being drawn to the church, are alien- destroy. ated from the state. The magistrate, after We have done; and nothing remains but sacrificing order, peace, union, all the interests that we part from Mr. Gladstone with the courwhich it is his first duty to protect, for the purtesy of antagonists who bear no malice. We rose of promoting pure religion, is forced, after dissent from his opinions, but we admire his ihe experience of centuries, to admit that he talents; we respect his integrity and benevohas really been promoting error. The sounder lence; and we hope that he will not suffer the doctrines of such a church—the more ab- political avocations so entirely to engross him, suri and noxious the superstition by which as to leave him no leisure for literature and phi thuse doctrines are opposed the stronger are losophy.

RANKE'S HISTORY OF THE POPES. *

[EDINBURGH Review, OCTOBER, 1840.]

It is hardly necessary for us to say, that this still sendir.g forth to the furthest ends of the is an excellent book excellently translated world missionaries as zealous as those who The original work of Professor Ranke is known landed in Kent with Augustin; and still conand esteemed wherever German literature is fronting hostile kings with the same spirit with studied; and has been found interesting even which she confronted Attila. The number of in a most inaccurate and dishonest French her children is greater than in any former age. version. It is, indeed, the work of a mind fit. Her acquisitions in the New World have more ted both for minute researches and for large than compensated her for what she has lost in speculations. It is written also in an admi- the Old. Her spiritual ascendency extend rable spirit, equally remote from levity and over the vast countries which lie between the bigotry; serious and earnest, yet tolerant and plains of the Missouri and Cape Horn-coun. impartial. It is, therefore, with the greatest tries which, a century hence, may not impropleasure that we now see it take its place bably contain a population as large as that among the English classics. Of the transla- which now inhabits Europe. The members tion we need only say, that it is such as might of her community are certainly not fewer than be expected from the skill, the taste, and the a hundred and fifty millions; and it will be scrupulous integrity of the accomplished lady, difficult to show that all the other Christian who, as an interpreter between ihe mind of sects united amount to a hundred and twenty Germany and the mind of Britain, has already millions. Nor do we see any sign which indideserved so well of both countries.

cates that the term of her long dominion is The subject of this book has always appear- approaching. She saw the commencement of ed to us singularly interesting. How it was all the governments, and of all the ecclesiastithat Protestanism did so much, yet did no cal establishments, that now exist in the world; more-how it was that the Church of Rome, and we feel no assurance that she is not deshaving lost a large part of Europe, not only tined to see the end of them all. She was ceased to lose, but actually regained nearly great and respected before the Saxon had set half of what she had lostmis certainly a most foot on Britain-before the Frank had passed curious and important question; and on this the Rhine-when Grecian eloquence still flouquestion Professor Ranke has thrown far more rished at Antioch—when idols were still worlight than any other person who has written shipped in the temple of Mecca. And she may

still exist in undiminished vigour when some There is not, and there never was, on this traveller from New Zealand shall, in the midst earth, a work of human policy so well deserv- of a vast solitude, take his stand on a broken ing of examination as the Roman Catholic arch of London Bridge to sketch the ruins of Church. The history of that Church joins to St. Paul's. gether the two great ages of iman civiliza- We often hear it said that the world is contion. No other institution is left standing stantly becoming more and more enlightened, which carries the mind back to the times when and that this enlightening must be favourable the smoke of sacrifice rose from the Pantheon, 'to Protestantism, and unfavourable to Cathoand when camelopards and tigers bounded in licism. We wish that we could think so. But the Flavian amphitheatre. The proudest royal we see great reason to doubt whether this be a houses are but of yesterday, when compared well-founded expectation. We see that during with the line of the Supreme Pontiffs. That (the last two hundred and fifty years, the human line we trace back in an unbroken series, from mind has been in the highest degree activethe Pope who crowned Napoleon in the nine- that it has made great advances in every teenth century, to the Pope who crowned Pepin branch of natural philosophy—that it has pro in the eighth ; and far beyond the time of Pepin duced inpumerable inventions tending to prothe august dynasty extends, till it is lost in the mote the convenience of life-that medicine, twilight of fable. The republic of Venice came surgery, chemistry, engineering, have been next in antiquity. But the republic of Venice very greatly improved—that government, powas modern when compared with the Papacy; lice, and law have been improved, though not and the republic of Venice is gone, and the quite to the same extent. Yet we see that, Papacy remains. The Papacy remains, not during these two hundred and fifty years, Pro in decay, not a mere antique ; but full of lue testantism has made no conquests worth speak and youthful vigour. The Catholic Church is ing of. Nay, we believe that, as far as there

has been a change, that change has been in The Ecclesiastical and Political History of the Popes favour of the Church of Rome. We cannot, of Rome, during the Sirteenth and Şerenteenth centuries. therefore, feel confident that the progress of By LEOPOLD RANKE, Professor in the University of knowledge will necessarily be fatal to a sysBerlin: Translated from the German, by SARAH Aus

on it.