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LEGISLATION NOT THE PANACEA FOR ALL EVILS. 453

article is really of great value. It is needless, of course, for me to say the facts and figures presented by both these gentlemen are undoubtedly authentic, whatever may be thought of the argument deduced therefrom; which arguments must stand or fall upon their merits before the reader.

One of the great troubles with the masses always has been-perhaps always will be-that it is difficult for them to occupy conservative ground, as between two radical stand-points. Notwithstanding what has been said to the contrary, farmers as a class, the reading ones at least, do occupy just this ground when they come to rely on their sober judgment. They may, it is true, be carried away for the time being by the florid eloquence or magnetism of the speaker, but the result of the second sober thought is the question, What is right in the matter? Hence, incendiarism, in whatever shape it may be presented, falls harmless for evil, a fact not generally appreciated, except by those who know the farming class intimately well.

LEGISLATION NOT THE PANACEA FOR ALL EVILS.

For myself, I do not accede to the radical view from either stand-point. I do not believe that the railroads of the West are to blame for all the evils that have been heaped upon the producer. The system upon which they were carried on, the publicity given to their workings, their standing directly next to the farmer as the transporter of his products, ought to prevent this. The real grievances are the shameless frauds and unfair discriminations practiced by those great operators whose scheme was to consolidate not only the railroads, but the telegraph lines of the country into one great monopoly, and through the power of centralized capital, to buy individuals, to corrupt Legislatures, and

even to make the National Government subservient to their will. This is what raised the storm of public indignation, which took what seemed the most tangible avenue through which to work reform. By common consent, the unjust discriminations of railway companies became the principal point of attack in the investment and siege of fortressed

wrong.

The result, so far as regards State legislation is concerned, has injured both the railroads and the people. In Illinois, a law has been produced which, with some good features, contains also some odious ones; the most objectionable being what certainly has the appearance, at least, of unjust discrimination (in its practical workings, I mean) against certain railroads. Taken as a whole, however, the present railroad law of Illinois is undoubtedly a long step in the right direction.

In the early stages of the Farmers' Movement, as always since, I strongly disapproved of the spirit that sought to bring into direct antagonism with the transporters, the worst passions of mankind, inciting the people to imprudent or illegal acts, which were bound, before the law, to result in discomfiture. Long ago, I was in favor of a commission, to be appointed by the people and the railway managers, to discuss ways and means by which the conflicting interests might be harmonized, and a basis, at least, arrived at upon which might be founded a law equal in its operations and just to all parties. Indeed, I stated the case, as it appeared to me, and made this suggestion to two of the leading railway officials of Chicago; but, while agreeing that the view was correct and would result in good if honestly carried out, they did not believe the plan feasible in the then excited state of public opinion. Unwisely, I think; for I had then, as I still have, unwavering faith in the integrity

WE MUST STRIKE AT THE ROOT-CORRUPTION.

455

of the masses, and their willingness to do right, when not swayed by the sophistry of demagogues. At that time, the people certainly were measurably in the hands of this class. Unfortunately, too, at that time railroad officials were bound, hand and foot, by the power of the centralized capital of Wall Street, and the Eastern cites, so that they could not, if they would, have done what their calmer judgment dictated.

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WE MUST STRIKE AT THE ROOT-CORRUPTION.

I still advocate the doctrine, that the root of the evil, corruption, must be struck with the ax of reform before the monopolizing tendency of capital can be brought down. It has indeed been brought into judgment at the bar of public

opinion; and this is evidence of encouraging progress. But if the people rest secure in easy confidence of victory, they may yet find their foe, as many a wily fox has been found before, strong again in its fastness, from which it "can neither be frightened, drowned, nor smoked out."

The present stronghold of monoply is the corruption of public men, culminating in demoralization as shameful as has ever disgraced the officials of any country. This demoralization is one reason why it seems impossible to secure the passage of any law by our Legislatures that shall be simple in construction, go straight to the intended point, and discourage litigation. The honest men in the Legislatures are overborne and beaten down by the majority, who are promised either power or money for their votes. The various Legislatures may legislate to all eternity upon the maximum rate that common carriers shall charge within the borders of their States, and the result will always be a conflicting of interests that can not be identical -to cripple not only the carriers, but the people. If an honest Congress should pass general and simple laws to govern all the States, and the Supreme Court should decide in the same spirit what was right and just, as between the people of a State and the transporter (whether railroad or otherwise) carrying long distances, there might be some hope of ultimately reaching a solution of the difficulty.

Will this ever be done? Yes; when the several dominant interests of the nation elect men to represent them who are not only honest, but united in interest with those whose votes give them their places. How may this be brought about? By a consolidation of the industrial classes, as against the consolidated monopolies, who use their power against the true interests of the nation; by using the voting power direct, to secure the end sought.

ONE WAY OF ROBBING THE WEST.

457

ONE WAY OF ROBBING THE WEST.

The New York canals are composed of the great trunk line, the Erie Canal, and various branch or sectional lines. According to the report of the Comptroller of the State, the receipts and expenditures of the Erie Canal for 1872, were $2,760,147; the expenditures for salaries and repairs were $1,687,021; excess of revenue over expenses, $1,073,126. Corresponding figures for the other canals of the Statetheir gross revenue, and the expenses for salaries and repairs, taken from the same source-may be seen in the annexed table.

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This table shows that only four of the lateral canals, and they among the least important, paid their own expenses. The gross net income of these four amounted to only $954.

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