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der expeditions of discovery in Australia rather excursions of pleasure than formidable undertakings.

Some very recent accounts from Australia, not yet published, seem to render it probable that the supposed Mediterranean is in fact a wide channel running nearly from N. to S. from Shark's bay to King George's Sound, and insulating Western Australia altogether. This, however, is as yet little more than conjecture.

We shall conclude with a short extract respecting the state of the colony appended to the pamphlet, and taken from the reports of the Western Australian Association.

"On the state and prosperity of the colony we shall merely add a few words:

"THE NATIVES are few in number, and of friendly dispositions towards the Colonists. They have been found faithful as guides and messengers, and it is to be hoped will yield to the influence of Doctor Guistiniani, (a pious and zealous missionary,) who has lately arrived among them.

"THE CLIMATE is salubrious; it has

been compared with the south of France, but it is not so cold in winter. In summer there are no droughts, there being occasional refreshing showers in every month but one (or sometimes two) during harvest.

"THE SOIL-There is every variety of soil-much that is fertile and capable of producing all kinds of grain and garden vegetables abundantly. The fig, vine, and the olive grow luxuriantly, as do also such tropical fruits as have had a fair trial.' The sheep pastures are excellent and of extent unknown.

"THE HARVEST of last year (1835) was found sufficient for the supply of the colony for 18 months.

"SHEEP of purest Merino and Saxon breed are rapidly increasing.

"HORSES AND BLACK CATTLE thrive well. Lately proposals have been made from India to form a company for the breeding of horses for the Indian market. "WHALES AND SEALS are abundant on the coast.

"SCHOOLS are in preparation for the education of the children of Anglo East Indians—the distance from Madras being only three weeks' sail."

IRISH TRANQUILLITY.*

THE Whigs, as was to be expected, are moving every engine to counteract the powerful impression left on the public mind by the exposè of the state of Ireland, at the great Conservative meeting in Dublin, and subsequently in the House of Commons. Appeals are made in every way, with morbid apprehension of the result; speeches, newspapers, pamphlets, are put into requisition, with unsparing profusion, and of varied character; some coarse and brutal, the gross vulgarity of the O'Connell school; some fine and flimsy, the gauzy texture of the Bulwer. Of this latter class we have seen a pamphlet, one of the best specimens of its kind, and evidently the production of a man of education and refinement: it is, with some exceptions, moderate, and written with apparent fairness, but in keeping with its kindred compositions, it is plausible and weak, like the meshes of a cobweb, capable of entangling only midges, but torn to pieces in a moment by any stronger fly.

It commences with poetry.

"To threats the stubborn rebel oft is hard
Wrapped in his crimes against the storm prepared;
But when the milder beams of mercy play
He melts and throws his cumbrous cloak away."

We at once acquiesce in the judicious propriety of eulogizing a gentleman who writes novels and poetry himself in the language in which he delights,

66

metaphor and song;" but we greatly doubt if it be the best mode of defending the character of the chief governor of a country racked and torn by the most dangerous and desperate faction that ever destroyed a nation, or whether it will not still more expose him to the ridicule and contempt of those truculent and artful men of whom he is said to be the tool and the dupe.

The pamphlet commences its prose, if indeed that ought not still to be called poetry, which is the language of fiction by demanding "justice for Ireland,', and stating her wrongs, as preparatory to asserting her rights. Not one word,

* Ireland under Lord Mulgrave. Second edition, 8vo. Ridgway, London. 1837.

of course, is said of all the concessions that have been made, for the last forty years, since the first admission of Roman Catholics to the elective franchise, till they were placed on terms of equality, an efficient and powerful party in the assembled parliament of England. Not one word, that they are made eligible to all the offices of the state, and actually fill some of the highest and most influential situations next to the lord high chancellor himself. Not one word of the sacrifice made by the established church to gratify them, the annihilation of her bishoprics, the extinction of her parish cess, the shaking the very foundation of her noble edifice. Not one word that these concessions are unparalleled by any similar indulgences to Protestants in any Catholic country at the present day; that even in every revolutionary movement, the sufferance of the Roman Catholic religion exclusively is, in most places insisted on, and the permission of any other in the country expressly denied; and in one or two only of the most liberal, even of the revolutionists in South America, the extent of the civil liberty of Protestants is to vote, with restrictions, at an election, and their religious freedom consists in being permitted to assemble for worship in a house, provided it be not seen, and does not present to the public eye the abomination of a place of heretic worship. Not one word of this, or of much more which we might enumerate, but the grievance is confined to the hackneyed theme of the tithe and corporation bills-though the rejection of these "healing measures" is the act of the Whigs themselves.

Every one of common sense, every

one but a modern Whig, knows and acknowledges that their Tithe Bill, with the appropriation clause, aimed directly at the total extinction of what remained of the property of the Established Church; that it was but a preparatory step to handing it all over to the Roman Catholics, who claimed it as their original property; that the Rev. Mr. O'Malley, at the Association, and others in similar seditious assemblies, have declared that when the appropriation of tithe was effected, they would he restored to the clergy of that church from whom they were taken.† In vain the friends of the Church proposed an equal sum from another fund, and returned the bill as the Whigs themselves had drawn it, efficient for every purpose of peace and tranquillity for which they proposed to enact it. Their dictators declared that, without the actual alienation of church property to themselves, no bill should pass, and their thralls submitted, and threw out their own bill. If any thing could mark more than another the helpless imbecility of these unfortunate men, it is their condition on this occasion. They had acknowledged that the measure, as it first stood, would be a "heavy blow to the Established Church," yet because that heavy blow was averted, though every thing else was conceded, it is said that the petition of the people I was not only rejected but spurned," and outrage and persecution of the unprotected clergy have every where been excited; for which the ministers owe to God and their country an awful responsibility. They, and they only, are chargeable with the result that the tithe question is not settled.

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The corporation bill is a similar

By the

* See the new constitutions of Spain, Portugal, Columbia, Chili, &c. constitution of Brazil, the most tolerant and liberal among them, it is enacted that those not of the religion of the state may vote at elections, but cannot be returned as deputies; and when permission was applied for to build an English chapel at Rio, the Pope's legate positively refused his assent, unless the Inquisition was introduced at the same time, to check the progress of heresy likely to arise from such an innovation. When permission was at length granted to the English residents to assemble in a place of worship, it was couched in these words :-" Outras religioes seraó permittidas com seu colto domestico sem forma alguma exterior de Templo."-Tit. 1, Art. 6. When we contrast this scanty concession of popish liberality with the actual state, not of toleration and indulgence of Roman Catholics under a Protestant government, but the absolute surrender to them of the political ascendancy of Ireland, we laugh at the absurdity of those who still find pretexts to complain of—subjects for windy declamation on their comparative state of oppression.

In the report of the proceedings at the Corn Exchange, on the introduction of poor laws for Ireland, are the following words, attributed to the Rev. Mr. O'Malley: "The proposition I have of course to make, is a proposition of charity, and whom could it better become than a Christian priest? It is a proposition, too, for the re-transfer of tithes, and whom could it better become, than a priest of the old religion, who may be said to have a sort of de jure in them?”

monument of weakness and follyevery reasonable concession had been made-every effective improvement substituted. But such were not the objects of the dominant faction. To transfer the whole ascendancy to themselves; to institute normal schools of agitation to keep up that ascendancy; to re-establish popery in Ireland, and separate her from England, were the ends they purposed, and which the Conservatives wished to guard against. Because they did guard against them, again the Destructives issued their mandate, and the ministry were obliged to abandon this bill also; and they, and they only are chargeable with the consequences of its rejection.

To swell the list of the grievances of Ireland, Lord Lyndhurst is, of course, introduced; his recent election to the rectorship of the University of Aberdeen, was an event for the ministry almost as untoward as that of Sir Robert Peel to Glasgow. His "anathema" against the people of Ireland is not suffered to die; and it is stated as one of the prominent causes that disturbs Ireland, and prevents pacification. The utter absurdity of charging

a man

with misrepresenting people, by merely repeating their own words, has been before now exposed. We all remember when the Girondists and Jacobins, the Whigs and Radicals of the French Revolution, had confounded all the established principles of right and wrong, and many wished to propagate their opinions in this country; among others, a lady of some literary celebrity, but whose name had better be buried in oblivion, defended concubinage, and ridiculed the restraints of marriage ties. Her opinions were exposed with severity, by a friend of the old religion and morality of England; for this he was charged "with brutal treatment of a lady." "If," said he, "it be brutal to repeat sentiments, I plead guilty to the charge; but if such sentiments brutalize a woman, I am sorry for it." One of the faction had stated again and again, that "the English are aliens and usurpers in the land;" that "their habits and feelings are altogether repugnant to those of his own country;" that "their men are selfish, narrow-minded, and hardly honest;" that "their wives and daughters are immodest."* And this and

much more has been repeated by the smaller fry at seditious meetings, till the country rung with it, as a proud and distinctive characteristic, which divides the natives from the descendants of the "Sassenach and Dutch invaders ;"+ yet now an outcry is raised against the man who dared to repeat these words, and he is denounced as the enemy of Ireland" for remembering them. We say, let them not be forgotten, but treasured up as an effectual reply to seditious demands, and with honest indignation cast back in the teeth of those who uttered them.

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Such is the nature of the grievances that remain; the pamphlet, however, professes to shew the evils that have been actually redressed by ministers. When a large and influential class of his Majesty's subjects are, every occasion neglected, or insulted -when a nominally Protestant government unites in an attempt to overthrow Protestant institutions. when they are incessantly trying new schemes, and making new promises -after some years' experience it is but reasonable to ask what good they have effected? To this inquiry the universal answer is, they have "tranquillized Ireland." Lord Mulgrave's tranquillity is the great and all-sufficient blessing which is to silence every objection, to confute every argument, to compensate for every violation of the established customs of the constitution; and the author has undertaken to confirm this often asserted, but still justly doubted, boast. As he writes to defend an assertion which has been repeated and dwelt upon for the last twelve months, we may fairly conclude that he has availed himself of every argument which that period and the importance of the only practical benefit the government pretend to lay claim to, could elicit or deserve.

He has thought fit to devote many pages to expatiating on the "success" of the executive in checking faction-fights. Now, we freely admit the brutalizing effect of this barbarous custom; but we cannot allow that the "judicious mercy" of Lord Mulgrave has caused its decline. The last region where it continued was Scotland, but it is near a century since the Reformation caused it to die away even in the Highlands; and the same cause produced the same

* Mr. O'Connell, passim meetings in Ireland, &c.

+ The Dutch invader" was a favourite soubriquet given to King William III. at the Catholic Association, and other meetings at that period.

effect in those parts of Ireland where Protestantism was introduced. In Ulster the practice is unknown. Not so, however, in the south ;--perhaps the faction-fight in Kerry, in which some of the peasantry of Derrynane were said to be concerned, is the most savage and remorseless display of bad passions that ever was exhibited-where one faction drowned and smothered all the members of the other, whom they were able to overtake, after the fight was over. They have, however, become less frequent latterly; but it is utterly absurd to attribute this to Whig interference, or to suppose that the fierce and desperate energies of such men could be restrained by the inhibitions of one whose weakness and imbecility has become a by-word of scorn and contempt. The strongest and most determined governments could not control them. O'Connell was unable to repress them in his own country; even the priests have failed in their excommunications, and anathemas, pronounced from the altar, have been powerless. Yet there have been times in Ireland, when the indulgence of this darling passion was kept under control. When a great end was to be answered, and combined efforts were required to effect it, these feudal fights ceased in a manner so sudden and general, as to be almost discredited by those who were acquainted with their former prevalence. Such a circumstance occurred in 1797. There are many living who can attest it. The rebellion was then near its explosion. The secret instructions of revolutionary committees were implicitly obeyed, and all minor feuds were swallowed up in that one grand struggle. One of the first symptoms of insurrection was the sudden cessation of fights at fairs; and one of the first signs of returning tranquillity was their resumption. We have heard many, who remember those times, affirm that they were delighted to see a fight at a fair, for it assured them that the insurrection was over. Is there any one so sceptical as to doubt that the case is similar now? Denunciations are made at meetings, that "rivers of blood must flow"" rebellion" is threatened if such and such demands are not complied with; and though we do not doubt that those who threaten thus would skulk away in the hour of peril, such

* Mr. Coote.

is not the character of the peasantrythey believe such denunciations, and they are preparing to support them. The plundering of fire-arms, and administering illegal oaths, are proofs that need no comment.

Another grand source which swelled the criminal calendar, was active resistance to tithe. This, too, may have ceased. When the government have positively refused to enforce the law— when the majority of the impoverished clergy are unable or unwilling to prosecute a tedious suit in Chancery or Exchequer-when the people are permitted, nay, encouraged, to commute the payment of their legal dues for the support of the ministers of the gospel, for persecution and insult-it is not extraordinary that “ passive resistance" does not lead to any greater enormities than an occasional murder. It is not surprising that men from whom payment is not required, should fail to commit atrocities to prevent the demand of the debt. In pointof fact the government have positively refused to assist in the apprehension or conviction of tithe malefactors. It would weary our readers to detail all the instances in which they have exhibited their unwillingness to protect the lives or properties of the clergy. To take an instance at random; in the county of Limerick it is not many months since the reward, offered by the lord lieutenant for the apprehension of the ruffians who attempted the murder of a clergyman,* was £50! In the same county the detection of the assailants of the lives of another clergyman'st son and nephew was encouraged by the munificent offer of £40! £20 a piece!! At the fair of Cahirconlish, in the same county, the police pleaded the orders of government for refusing their protection to a process server, and had it not been for the humanity of the constable, who, at his own risk, permitted the man to hide himself in the barrack, he would undoubtedly have been murdered. On similar grounds Captain Vignolles excused himself for keeping the police a mile from the town of Rathvilly, when it was known that a riot and rescue were intended. His answer to Baron Pennefather at the last Carlow assizes, was, "I acted in obedience to the orders of government." These last may serve

The Dean of Emly.

as a comment on the following passage in this veracious pamphlet :"The effective employment of the constabulary force is another feature peculiar to this administration. Under former governments the Irish police had the general fault of Irish establishments, when they worked at all they worked the wrong way. The change that has taken place since the destinies of the country were in better keeping is remarkable. The police are now under orders to attend every fair and market in their respective districts; it is their imperative duty to interfere in all disturbances; to apprehend the ringleaders, and give evidence against them on their trial."

If it be their "imperative duty to interfere," Lord Mulgrave has exerted himself with signal success to render their interference useless. As far as lay in their power, the government have contributed to retard the execution of the law, and shelter tithe malefactors, either by directly interdicting the police, or by employing such means for detection, as they must have known would be ineffectual. In such circumstances, where no effort has been made to bring malefactors to justice, it would be indeed extraordinary if the criminal calendar were not lighter than when an energetic and unflinching executive spared no exertions to enforce the law. But it is not from the number of malefactors detected that a true criterion of the state of the country is to be derived. Even under the most energetic government, aided by the most active magistracy, the difficulty

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of apprehending men united in extensive and secret combinations, enlisting all the prejudices of the people to shield them from justice, must render the calendar a very fallacious test. It is from the number of atrocities committed, and of malefactors supposed or known to be implicated, that a true estimate can be formed. To apply this criterion, then, let us take as examples, the conclusion of last year and commencement of the present. When Mr. Bradshaw moved for a return of the rewards, offered for various outrages, during the six months ending the 31st January, 1837, the following awful detail was brought forward'Murder and homicide,

Cruel assaults, and firing at per

sons with intent to murder,
Rape, and attempt to murder,
Abduction,

Burglary, and attack on houses,
Robbery,

Incendiary fires,

Malicious injury to property,
Sacrilege on places of worship,
Threatening notices,

Cases.

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39

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Here there are 139 cases of the most atrocious crimes, occurring in the brief space of a few months, and the greater number of the perpetrators still at large in the country at the end of the year 1836. But crime seems to have advanced with appalling velocity in 1837. The following is a list of the number of persons concerned in various offences, from the 1st to the 20th of February, taken from government proclamations:

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Carlow, Sligo,

Murder,

Kilkenny,

Rescue and severe wounds.

Cavan,

Murder,

Louth,

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Sacrilege,

6 Edward Duffy,

6 J. Rooney,

9 P. Brennan,

10 Occupants of a house,

10 J. Amos,

12

Messrs Drought & Dun,
Protestant clergymen,

12 Thomas Brereton,

13 J. Lanigan,

Meath,

Destruction of property,

Meath,

Murder,

Monaghan,

Housebreaking for arms,

Many persons.

Twenty.

One.

Five.

Wexford,

Threatening to murder by written notice, Many persons.

Longford,

Attempt to murder,

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15 Parish church,

15 J. Macpherson,

15 Police,

16 J. Booth,

16 P. M'Nully,

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Wexford,

Church breaking and sacrilege,

Many persons.

Four.

Five.

Five.

Many persons.

Monaghan,

Roscommon,

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16 E. Keating, & T. Cahil, Limerick,

Burning house,

Rescue, and cruel assault with stones,

House burning,

Housebreaking and murder,

Many persons. Fourteen.

Many persons.

One.

Sixteen.

Sligo,

Cruel assault with stones,

Many persons.

Tyrone,

Murder,

Many persons.

Sligo,

Attempt to murder with fire-arms,

Many persons.

Cork,

Brutal murder, head crushed with stones,

Many persons.

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